by. Irhamni.MA


Khalwatiyyah is not to be understood in terms of distinctive doctrines emanating from the teachings of a founding figure. Its distinctive identity derives from the particular approach adopted by members of the order in pursuit of spiritual self-development. Practices characteristic of the order are: voluntary hunger, silence, vigil, seclusion, meditation, permanent ritual cleanliness, and complete devotion to one’s master. The shaikh (master) of the order is elected. The initiation ceremony undergone by the novitiate is particularly arduous. After prayers the shaikh will take the novitiate by the hand and whisper into his ear the first ‘word’ la ilaha illa ‘lla (no god but Allah), instructing him to repeat this 101, 151, or 301 times a day.

After this the novice goes into a retreat (known as a khalwa, hence the name khalwatiyyah). While in retreat he is expected to report to the shaikh the visions and dreams that he experiences, and it is by means of these that the shaikh gauges his progress and is able to determine when the novice has passed through the first stage. Once this has been achieved the novice breathes into his ear the second word Ya Allah (O Allah). Once again the novitiate goes into retreat and describes his dreams and visions to his master. Five further stages are undertaken, each of which are respectively associated with the following five ‘words’: Ya Huwa (O He), Ya Haqq (O Truth), Ya Hayy (O Living), Ya Qayyum (O Eternal), Ya Qahhar (O Subduer). These seven ‘words’ are associated with the seven spheres and seven lights, from which emanate the seven colours.

This whole process takes between six and twelve months, following which the novitiate is admitted as a full brother. It is the length of the course undertaken by the novitiate that principally distinguishes Khalwatiyyah from most other Sufi orders. In other orders the novitiate will normally spend between three and forty days in prayer, fasting, night vigils and retreat.
A ritual common to all Khalwatiyyah branches is the reading of Yashya al-Shirwani’s Wird al-Sattar; that is, a booklet containing prescribed prayers to be undertaken at set times and under set conditions.


The Khalwatiyyah order was founded in fourteenth century Persia and spread from there into Anatolia. It derives its name from the Arabic word khalwa which means solitary retreat, and is so-called because its members were accustomed to going into solitary retreats that lasted forty days. Its exact beginnings are uncertain. Traditionally it has traced its origins to certain, semi-mythical Persian, Kurdish or Turkish ascetics. It is generally believed that the order was founded by Yahya Shirwani (d. 1460) since it was under his leadership and that of his disciple, Umar Rushani (d. 1480), that the order became popular.

The order never had a single headquarters or main centre; it simply expanded into numerous branches and convents in Anatolia and parts of the Balkans. During the period of the Ottoman empire the head of each Khalwati branch was regarded as the successor of the original founder of the branch. From Khalwatiyyah two other Sufi orders emerged, Bayramiyyah and Jalwatiyyah. Along with other Sufi orders, Khalwatiyyah was suppressed in 1925 as a result of Kemal Ataturk’s policy of secularising the Turkish state.


The order has no distinctive symbol system.


There are no figures identifying the size of the order today. Small groups are believed to be still in existence in Kosova and Macedonia.

Main Centre The order has no headquarters or main centre.

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Tariqa Ni’matullāhī

By. Sharifa Irhamni Azmatkhan Ba’alawi Al-Husaini

The Ni’matullāhī or Ne’matollāhī (Persian: نعمت‌اللهی) (also spelled as “Nimatollahi”, “Nematollahi” or “Ni’matallahi) is a Sufi order (or tariqa) originating in Iran. According to Moojan Momen, the number of Ni’matullāhī in Iran in 1980 was estimated to be between 50,000 and 350,000.[1] Following the emigration of Dr. Javad Nurbakhsh and other dervishes after the 1979 Iranian Revolution, the tariqa has attracted numerous followers outside Iran, mostly in Europe, West Africa and North America, although the first khaniqa outside of Iran was formed in San Francisco, California, United States in 1975, a few years before the revolution in Iran.


The order is named after its 14th century CE founder Shah Nimatullah (Nur ad-Din Ni’matullah Wali), who settled in and is buried in Mahan, Kerman Province, Iran, where his tomb is still an important pilgrimage site. Shah Ni’matallahi was a disciple of the Qadiri sufi ‘Abdallah Yafi’i: a chain of succession of masters (silsilah) has been claimed that extends back to Maruf Karkhi.[citation needed] Originally a Sunni order, the Ni’matullahi became Shia in the 16th century C.E. with the general conversion of Iran. The order has four main sub-orders;

* The Khaniqahi Ni’matullahi or Dhu’r-riyasateyn (Munis ‘Ali Shah) Ni’matullahiya, known in the West due to its former shaykh, Dr. Javad Nurbakhsh.

* The Safialishahi, named after Sheikh Safi ‘Ali Shah Isfahani (d. 1316AH/1899C.E.).

* The Khanekhah Maleknia Naseralishah, named after its Sheikh Pir Malikniya, known as Nasir Ali Shah (d.1998 C.E.).

* The Gonabadi or Bonyad Erfan Gonabadi, centered in Iran in the city of Gonabad, whose primary 20th century shaykh was Sultan Husayn Tabandah.

The last two, like many Qadiri orders, emphasise a way founded upon strict observance of sharia law.[2]

Dr. Javad Nurbakhsh took the lead of the Ni’matullahi Order in 1953 upon the death of his predecessor Munis ‘Ali Shad Dhu al-Riyastain. Dr.Nurbakhsh undertook a major expansion of the order in Iran. In the 1970s visitiors from the United States joined the order while in Iran. In 1974 Dr. Nurbakhsh went to the United States and decided that there was a need to establish regular khaniqas there. In 1979 Dr.Nurbakhsh left Iran to flee the repressive government that did not appreciate alternate religious authorities. He lived in the United States until he moved to England in 1983. By the early 1990s there were nine Ni’matullahi khaniqas in the United States. The ones in the East Coast such as Boston, New York and Washington were almost completely attended by Americans, while the ones in California were about half American and half Iranian.[3]

Today, the Order has expanded to places such as Mexico, Russia, Western Africa, and Spain.

The numerous publications of the order include the bi-annual SUFI journal. The Khaniqahi Nimatullahi also publish, in Persian, English and other languages, Dr. Nurbakhsh’s seven-volume treatment of the states and stations the Sufi path, his twelve-volume explanation of the meanings of Sufi mystical terminology and his many annotated biographies of the great historic masters of the path. Social activities of the present-day order include the establishment of clinics and medical centers in impoverished regions of West Africa, where the order has attracted numerous adherents.

* Masters of the Path: A History of the Masters of the Nimatullahi Sufi Order by Dr. Javad Nurbakhsh, Khaniqahi Nimatullahi Publications, New York and London, 2nd Edition, 1993, ISBN 0933546033 and ISBN 978-0933546035

* Kings of Love – The History and Poetry of the Ni’matullahi Sufi Order by Nasrollah Pourjavady and Peter Lamborn Wilson, Imperial Iranian Academy of Philosophy, Tehran, 1978, ISBN 0-87773-733-9 and ISBN 0-500-97351-2

1. ^ Momen, Moojan, An Introduction to Shi’i Islam, Yale University Press, 1985, p.215
2. ^ Pourjavady and Wilson, Kings of Love, p. 252, Dr. Alam Godlas[1]
3. ^ Liyakat Nathani Takim. Shi’ism in America. (New York: New York University Press, 2009) p. 43

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Tarekat Kubrawiyyah

Oleh: Syarifah Qiro’atut Taslimah Azmatkhan Ba’alawi Al-Husaini

Pendiri tarekat Kubrawi, yaitu Syaikh Najm al-Din Kubra (540-618 H/1145-1221 M). Sekelompok sufi terkemuka berkumpul di Kubra sebagai murid, dan beberapa cabang tarekatnya menyebar ke baghdad, Khurasan dan India. Salah seorang pengikut Kubrawi yang cukup ternama, yaitu Syaikh Saif al-Din Bakhrazi (w. 658 H/1260 M), memerintahkan muridnya, yaitu Khawajah Badr al-Din Samarqandi Firdausi, untuk menetap di Delhi.

Meskipun para Syaikh dari kalangan ini sangatlah menganjurkan kepada para muridnya untuk selalu berpegang teguh terhadap syari’at, namun, ia tidaklah mengunggulkan para ulama di atas para sufi. Ia berusaha untuk tidak mengungkapkan pengalaman spiritualnya, serta menyarankan pada para murid, untuk tetap menyimpan pengetahuan mereka tentang pengalaman-pengalaman spiritual mereka.

Di Kashmir, tarekat Kubrawiyyah diperkenalkan oleh Mir Sayyid Ali Hamadani. Muhammad Asyraf Jahangir Simnani, yaitu sekalangan dengan Mir Sayyid Ali Hamadani, adalah sorang Kubrawi yang setelah menetap di kesultanan Syiraqi, Jaunpur, India, mendirikan cabang dari tarekat Kubrawi, yaitu Asyrafi.

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Thariqah Suhrawardiyyah

Oleh: Syarifah Irhamni Azmatkhan Ba’alawi Al-Husaini

Syaikh Syihab al-Din Abu Hafs Umar (539-632 H/1145-1234 M), adalah pendiri dari tarekat Suhrawardiyyah. Dia menempuh pendidikan di bawah bimbingan pamannya, Syaikh Dhiya al-Din Abu al-Najib Suhrawardi (490-622 H/1097-1225 M), yang membangun sebuah pondok di Tigris, Baghdad. Khalifah al-Nashir li-Dinillah (575-622 H/1180-1225 M) mengangkat Syaikh Syihab al-Din sebagai duta besarnya keberbagai istana para penguasa penting dan membangun sebuah khaneqah luas untuknya di Baghdad. Kaum sufi dari berbagai penjuru dunia berkumpul di khaneqahnya untuk mendapatkn bai’at darinya. Salah satunya adalah Syaikh Baha al-Din Zakariyya (578 H/1182 M).

Di Multan, para sufi serta ulama terkemuka, banyak yang menentang Syaikh Baha al-Din, tetapi, tingkat keilmuan serta posisi istimewanya diantara murid-murid Syaikh Syihab al-Din Suhrawardi, dapat dengan segera membuatnya menjadi seorang tokoh terkemuka di Multan. Ia sangat tidak menganjurkan kaum sufi mencari bimbingan dari sejumlah pir yang berbeda, melainkan dari satu pir saja. Ia juga sangat menekankan pentingnya sholat-sholat wajib dan menomor duakan sholat-sholat sunnah dan dzikir.

Syaikh Baha al-Din meninggal di Multan, 661 H/1262 M. Ia digantikan oleh anaknya sendiri, yaitu Syaikh Shadr al-Din ‘Arif (w. 684 H/1286 M). Putra dan penerus Syaikh Shadr al-Din, Syaikh Rukn al-Din Abu al-Fath (w. 735 H/1334 M), telah berhasil menghidupkan kembali kejayaan politik dan spiritual kakeknya. Ia sangatlah dihormati oleh raja-raja yang memerintah di kesultanan Delhi, sejak masa pemerintahan Sultan Ala al-Din Khalji (695-715 H/1296-1316 M) hingga kematiannya, yaitu pada masa pemerintahan Sultan Muhammad ibn Tughluq (725 H/1325 M).

Murid Syaikh Syihab al-Din Suhrawardi yang mempopulerkan Islam di Bengal, adalah Syaikh Jalal al-Din Tabrizi. Setelah pindah ke Bengal, ia mendirikan sebuah khaneqah di Deva Mahal, bagian utara Bengal. Ia telah berhasil mengislamkan banyak orang Hindu dan Buddha. Pada abad ke-8 H/14 M, Kashmir dijadikan sebagai pusat dari para sufi Suhrawardiyyah.

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Tarekat Chistiyyah

Oleh: Syarifah Qiro’atut Taslimah Azmatkhan Ba’alawi Al-Husaini

Tarekat Chistiyyah, adalah tarekat yang namanya di ambil dari suatu wilayah di Afganistan, asal usulnya dapat dilacak hingga abad ke-3 H/9 M. Namun, meskipun nama tarekat ini diambil dari nama suatu wilayah di Afganistan, tarekat ini hanya terkenal di India dan melalui Syaikh Shohibul Faroji Azmatkhan Ba’alawi Al-Husaini, Tarekat ini berkembang di Indonesia. Chistiyyah memiliki silsilah spiritual yang jejaknya dapat ditelusuri sampai kepada Hasan al-Bashri (21-110 H/ 642-728 M). Mereka meyakini bahwasanya Hasan al-Bashri adalah merupakan murid dari Ali bin Abi Thalib, sebuah klaim yang validitasnya mereka temukan secara spiritual.

Pendiri Tarekat Chistiyyah di India adalah Khawajah Mu’in al-Din Hasan. Selain itu, Syaikh Nizham al-Din Auliya yang menetap di Delhi, mengkristalisasikan ajaran Chistiyyah di Utara India, serta di wilayah Deccan. Murid-muridnya, mendirikan perguruan-perguruan Chistiyyah di Jawnpur, Malwa, Gujarat, dan Deccan.

Ada begitu banyak karya Chistiyyah yang tersedia, dan sebagian besar di tulis dalam Bahasa persia. Para Sufi Chistiyyah pun menulis karya dalam dialek-dialek lokal, juga dalam Bahasa Arab. Diantara beberapa karya Chistiyyah adalah, Malfuzhat (karya yang keasliannya diragukan, atau tidak dapat dilacak autentisitasnya), Literatur biografis dari para pembimbing spiritual, Maktubat (Surat-Surat), puisi-puisi berbahasa Hindi, dan lain sebagainya.

Para anggota tarekat ini, hidup berbaur dengan masyarakat, mereka tidaklah membangun khaneqah dengan “empat dinding dan pintu gerbangnya”. Tapi, mereka membangun sebuah jama’at-khanah, dengan dinding lumpur dan atap jerami. Tempat tersebut, terbuka bagi umum, dan sebagai tempat berdiskusi dari berbagai macam ide. Para syaikh dan anggota-anggotangya menjalani hidup dalam konsep futuh, yaitu tidak pernah meminta-minta pemberian orang.

Tarekat Chistiyyah berakar pada Sunni. Mereka menganut mazhab fiqh Hanafi. Namun demikian, pandangan mereka tidaklah terikat pada hukum secara skriptural, melainkan lebih mementingkan makna terdalamnya. Aspek mereka yang paling dominan adalah adanya kesetiaan untuk memegang tradisi hidup berdampingan secara damai.

Kaum Chistiyyah awal meyakini bahwa kontak dengan orang-orang suci dan para wali adalah satu satunya sarana yang dapat membuat manusia memeluk Islam. Mereka percaya bahwasanya hanya kelompok muslim yang saleh sajalah yang dapat menarik orang lain untuk menerima Islam. Misi utama mereka adalah berupaya mempersatukan orang-orang Hindu yang memeluk Islam untuk menjadikan mereka sebagai orang-orang muslim yang benar-benar saleh.

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Najmuddin al-Kubra, Jumadil Kubra and Jamaluddin al-Akbar: Traces of Kubrawiyya influence in early Indonesian Islam

Martin van Bruinessen

The Javanese Sajarah Banten ranté-ranté (SBR) and its Malay translation Hikayat Hasanuddin, compiled in the late seventeenth or early eighteenth century but incorporating much older material, consist of a number of disparate narratives, one of which relates the alleged studies of Sunan Gunung Jati in Mecca.[1] A very similar account, though less detailed, is contained in the Brandes-Rinkes recension of the Babad Cirebon. Sunan Gunung Jati, venerated as one of the nine saints of Java, is a historical person, who flourished in the first half of the 16th century and founded the Muslim kingdoms of Banten and Cirebon. Present tradition gives his proper name as Syarif Hidayatullah; the babad literature names him variously Sa`îd Kâmil, Muhammad Nûruddîn, Nûrullâh Ibrâhîm, and Maulânâ Shaikh Madhkûr, and has him born either in Egypt or in Pasai in north Sumatra. It appears that a number of different historical and legendary persons have merged into the Sunan Gunung Jati of the babad.

Sunan Gunung Jati and the Kubrawiyya

The historical Sunan Gunung Jati may or may not have actually visited Mecca and Medina; the account of his studies there, however, irrespective of its historicity, yields some precious information on 17th-century Indonesian Islam. The saint is said to have first studied in Mecca with Najmuddîn al-Kubrâ, and then for twenty or twenty-two years with Ibn `Atâ’illâh al-Iskandarî al-Shâdhilî in Medina, where he received initiations into the Shadhiliyya, Shattariyya and Naqshbandiyya Sufi orders (Edel 1938:137-9; Brandes/Rinkes 1911, Canto 13). As we know from other sources, the Shattariyya and Naqshbandiyya did spread from Medina to the Archipelago in the course of the 17th century, and the same may well have been true of the Shadhiliyya. Ibn `Atâ’illâh, of course, flourished in Egypt in the 13th century rather than in Medina in the 16th. His appearance in the narrative only shows that his name was known in Banten and Cirebon – probably through his famous collection of Sufi aphorisms, al-Hikam – by the time this episode was composed.

The temporal and spatial distance separating Sunan Gunung Jati from his other alleged teacher, Najmuddîn al-Kubrâ, is even greater: Kubrâ worked in Khwarazm in Central Asia and died there in 1221. The SBR however not only mentions Kubrâ as a teacher but lists his entire spiritual genealogy (silsila) and mentions the names of twenty-seven ‘fellow students’ (rèncang sapaguron) of Sunan Gunung Jati. These names point to a more than superficial acquaintance with the Kubrawiyya, the mystical order associated with Najmuddîn al-Kubrâ.

The silsila is, apart from a few inessential copyists’ errors[2] and two missing names, identical with one of the two found in early Kubrawiyya sources (Meier 1957:17-9). Kubrâ had two major teachers, `Ammâr b. Yâsir al-Bidlîsî and Ismâ`îl al-Qasrî, and he traced his spiritual ancestry through both. The SBR gives the silsila through the latter (I silently correct minor spelling errors and add the two missing names between square brackets):

Ismâ`îl al-Qasrî,
Muhammad b. Malik al-Mâtikîdî [correctly: Muhammad b. Mânkîl],
[Dâwûd b. Muhammad khâdim al-fuqarâ’],
Abu’l-`Abbâs Idrîs,
Abu’l-Qâsim b. Ramadân,
[Abû Ya`qûb al-Tabarî],
Abû `Abdallâh b. `Uthmân,
Abu’l-Ya`qûb al-Nahârî Jûdî [correctly: al-Nahrajûrî],
Abû Ya`qûb al-Sûsî,
`Abd al-Wâhid b. Zayd,
Kumayl b. Ziyâd,
`Alî al-Murtadâ,

The same silsila is also found in a work by the well-known 17th-century Medinan mystic Ahmad al-Qushâshî, al-Simt al-majîd (1327:98-9).[3] Qushâshî is primarily known as a teacher of the Shattariyya and Naqshbandiyya orders, but he was initiated into numerous others, among which the Kubrawiyya. He had Indonesian students, and one of them, `Abd al-Ra’ûf al-Singkilî, quotes the Simt (though not this silsila) in one of his own writings.[4] Qushâshî received all his initiations from his teacher and predecessor as the leading scholar of Medina, Ahmad al-Shinnâwî (d.1619), and he in turn initiated Ibrâhîm al-Kûrânî, who succeeded him upon his death in 1661.

The simplest hypothesis explaining the references to the Shattariyya, Naqshbandiyya and Kubrawiyya[5] in the SBR and Babad Cirebon discussed so far is that the court circles where these texts originated had in the course of the 17th century become acquainted with these mystical orders though one or more disciples of Shinnâwî or his successors – either indigenous Indonesians who had performed the hajj or foreign visitors. The most interesting bit of information, however, is yet to come. The SBR, as said above, gives twenty-seven names of persons who allegedly studied together with Sunan Gunung Jati at the feet of Najmuddîn al-Kubrâ in Mecca.[6] About half of them can be unambiguously identified (the editor has not made recognition of the names any easier, so that we shall have recourse to the manuscript again). It is hardly surprising that, just like the alleged teacher himself, they are not contemporaries of Sunan Gunung Jati or even of each other. However, they do not constitute, as might perhaps be supposed, a random selection of prestigious names either. At least eleven of them are leading shaikhs of the Kubrawiyya, and together their names constitute the (incomplete) silsila of two distinct branches of that order.

Sunan Gunung Jati’s ‘fellow students’

I shall first give here the names in the order in which they appear in the SBR, silently correcting minor mistakes and placing major corrections and comments in square brackets. The names of those identified as Kubrawi are italicised:

(1) Jamâluddîn Muhammad al-Khalwatî,
(2) Khwâja `Azîzân `Alî Ramaqatanî [al-Râmîtanî],
(3) Shaikh `Abdullâh,
(4) Shaikh Nizâmuddîn al-Hawârî [al-Khwârazmî?],
(5) Shaikh Majduddîn al-Baghdâdî,
(6) Shaikh Ahmad al-Jasadafânî [al-Jûrfânî] al-Rûdbârî,
(7) Shaikh Mahmûd b. Yûsuf Rashad Ûdahalî,
(8) Shaikh Hamîduddîn Mahmûd al-Samarqandî,
(9) Shâh …,[7]
(10) Shaikh Mubârak,
(11) Shihâbuddîn al-Dimashqî,
(12) Shaikh `Alâ’ al-Dawla Astamâbî [al-Simnânî],
(13) Mîr Shâh Rajû,
(14) Sayyid Sadruddîn Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Bukhârî,
(15) Mahmûd al-Mazdaqânî,
(16) Shaikh Sâranak,
(17) Shaikh Mahmûd b. Jalâluddîn al-Bukhârî,
(18) Qâdî Zakariyyâ al-Ansârî,
(19) Ishâq Abu’l-Hattân [Ishâq al-Khuttalânî],
(20) Shaikh `Abd al-Wahhâb al-Sha`râwî,
(21) Shâh `Alî al-Khatîb,
(22) Badruddîn al-Sa`îd Qâdî Burhân,
(23) Shâh `Alî al-Bîdûd [al-Bîdâwâzî],
(24) Shaikh `Abd al-Karîm b. Sha`bân,
(25) Fadl Allâh Muhammad Sadr,
(26) Shaikh Ahmad al-Shinnâwî,
(27) Maulânâ `Abd al-Latîf al-Jâmî.

Six of these names occur in the Kubrawi silsila of Ahmad al-Qushâshî, representing links in the chain between himself and Najmuddîn al-Kubrâ. Majduddîn al-Baghdâdî (5) was Kubrâ’s major disciple, from him the line passed through Ahmad al-Rûdbârî (6),[8] Shihâbuddîn al-Dimashqî (11), Zakariyyâ’ al-Ansârî (18), `Abd al-Wahhâb al-Sha`rânî (or al-Sha`râwî, 20) and Ahmad al-Shinnâwî (26) to Qushâshî. This is not the complete silsila (see the accompanying chart); only the most famous names are listed, and almost half are left out.[9] Ansârî and Sha`rânî, incidentally, are well-known in Indonesia for their contributions in the field of Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh). Several of their works have long been part of the advanced stages of pesantren education. They occur here in a less known capacity, as mystics affiliated with the Kubrawiyya.

Five of the remaining Kubrawi names in the list of the SBR constitute another illustrious line of affiliation, often named the Kubrawiyya-Hamadaniyya after the most charismatic person of this line, `Alî al-Hamadânî (see the accompanying chart, and compare with the chart in Trimingham 1973:56-7). Hamadânî himself appears to be missing in the list, unless we should recognise him in Shâh `Alî al-Khatîb (‘the Preacher’). The last recognisable person of this particular Kubrawiyya line in the list is `Abd al-Latîf al-Jâmî (d.1555-6), on whom we find a brief but interesting notice in al-Ghazzî’s biographical dictionary of 16th-century personalities.

The Central Asian Jâmî (who should not be confused with the famous poet `Abd al-Rahmân al-Jâmî) was not the chief disciple of his teacher, Muhammad al-Khâbûshânî. Central Asian sources are almost unanimous in attributing that position to Kamâluddîn Husain al-Khwârazmî, through whom Shâh Walî Allâh also traces his Hamadaniyya lineage (see the chart).[10] Through another disciple, Khâbûshânî was also the progenitor of the Iranian, Shi`ite Dhahabiyya order (Gramlich 1965:10-16). It is only due to the silsila given by Ghazzî (1979, vol.II:182), that we know Jâmî to be affiliated with this branch of the Kubrawiyya. Given this affiliation, we easily recognise Shâh `Alî ‘al-Bîdûd’ (no. 23 in the list) as Shâh `Alî al-Isfarâ’inî al-Bîdâwâzî,[11] and it is not unlikely that the Shaikh `Abdallâh of our list (no. 3) is Hamadânî’s spiritual grandson, `Abdallâh al-Barzishâbâdî.

Precisely because Jâmî represents a minor offshoot of the Hamadaniyya branch and is not named in later silsila, his occurrence in our list yields the key towards understanding what this list represents. The few bits of biographical information that can be found in Ghazzî and other sources clearly show why Jâmî may have had a special appeal for contemporary Indonesian Muslims.

`Abd al-Latîf al-Jâmî is reported to have made the pilgrimage with a large following of disciples in 1547-8. On the way to Mecca he stopped in Istanbul, where he was greatly honoured by the highest dignitaries. None less than the Ottoman Sultan himself, Sulayman the Magnificent, requested to be instructed by him in the dhikr of the Kubrawiyya-Hamadaniyya, and the highest military and administrative authorities became his disciples. Continuing his journey to Mecca, Jâmî stopped again in Aleppo, where once more he found the chief authorities of the city eager to receive instruction from him. He took up residence in one of the major dervish lodges and taught the litanies known as the Awrâd fathiyya, one of the distinctive devotions of the Hamadaniyya.[12] These litanies (awrâd, sg. wird) originated with `Alî al-Hamadânî, to whom, it was believed, they had in a vision been revealed by the Prophet himself.

Shaikh `Abd al-Latîf’s return journey to Central Asia, after he had performed the hajj, was not less spectacular than his reception in Istanbul and Aleppo. Sultan Sulayman gave him an escort of 300 Janissaries, who accompanied him all the way from Asia Minor across the Caucasus and along the northern shores of the Caspian Sea to Khwarazm and Bukhara.[13] The author to whom we owe this information, the Ottoman admiral Sidi Ali Reis, was also a disciple of the shaikh. In mid-1556, as on his long and arduous overland journey from India to Istanbul he passed through Khwarazm, he heard of Shaikh `Abd al-Latîf’s recent death in the town of Wazir. He spared no effort to make a pilgrimage and recite the entire Qur’an over the shaikh’s grave (Sidi Ali Reis 1899:79).

We have no record of the impact Shaikh `Abd al-Latîf al-Jâmî made in Mecca when he performed the pilgrimage, but it must have been considerable too. The arrival of the sultan’s spiritual preceptor, travelling with a large band of followers, can hardly have passed unnoticed and may have been one of those events of which years later people still speak.

`Abd al-Latîf al-Jâmî was a contemporary of Sunan Gunung Jati. Without speculating whether Sunan Gunung Jati himself actually visited Mecca and met this Kubrawiyya teacher, we may safely conclude that at some time (and quite possibly still in the 16th century, for we recognise in the above list no names of later representatives of this line of affiliation), at least some Bantenese became acquainted with (some aspects of) the Kubrawiyya as taught by `Abd al-Latîf al-Jâmî. If word of Jâmî’s having initiated the Ottoman Sultan reached Banten, that may have convinced the Javanese ruler that this Sufi order represented a potent ngèlmu, which it was useful to acquire (or at least to claim possessing).

The silsila ending in Shinnâwî probably represents a second contact with the same Sufi order, one or two generations later. Could it be that a Bantenese in search of initiation in this prestigious order failed to locate a successor of Jâmî and therefore had recourse to the other Kubrawiyya branch represented by Shinnâwî?[14] Qushâshî’s successor, Ibrâhîm al-Kûrânî (1328:108-9), and the latter’s second-generation disciple, Shâh Walî Allâh (n.d.:119-21), list several other Kubrawiyya silsila, showing that they had (subsequent?) initiations in several branches of the order. These additional silsila do not contain other names that occur in our list – which suggests that the list in its present form dates from Shinnâwî’s or at the latest Qushâshî’s time.

One other person in the list who can be unambiguously identified is Khwâja `Azîzân `Alî al-Râmîtanî (d.1321 or 1328). He was one of the Central Asian mystics known as the Khwâjagân, who are posthumously associated with the Naqshbandi order.[15] He is best known for his correspondence with `Alâ’ al-Dawla al-Simnânî (uud 1992:30-2, after `Abd al-Rahmân Jâmî’s Nafahât al-uns) and therefore is not out of place in the list of Kubrawi mystics.

Another identification that suggests itself is that of Mîr Shâh Rajû (13) with the mystic Sayyid Hibatullâh b. `Atâ’illâh al-Fârisî, who was popularly known as Shâh Mîr.[16] Sayyid Hibatullâh was affiliated with the Kubrawiyya through both Simnânî and another disciple of Nûruddîn al-Isfarâ’inî, Amînuddîn `Abd al-Salâm al-Khunjî, and Qushâshî in fact quotes him in the Simt on methods of dhikr (Landolt 1986:47). Another possible identification is more speculative: could Nizâmuddîn ‘al-Hawârî’ (no. 4) perhaps be Simnânî’s disciple Nizâmuddîn `Alî (on whom see DeWeese 1988:64)? The occurrence of these names in the list shows that the compiler did not merely copy two partial silsila and suggests that he had a certain acquaintance with the history of the Kubrawiyya order.

Traces of a Kubrawiyya influence in Indonesian Islam

Has the early acquaintance with the Kubrawiyya that is documented by the Babad Cirebon and the SBR left lasting traces in Indonesian Islam? Can any specific mystical doctrines or spiritual techniques be traced to a Kubrawiyya influence?

Our knowledge of the precise techniques developed by the early Kubrawiyya is very imperfect, although important work has been done by Meier, Corbin, Algar and Landolt. The most detailed information we have concerns the various techniques of dhikr used (Meier 1957:200-213; Landolt 1986:38-50; Elias 1993; cf. Râzî 1982:268-278) and the metaphysical speculations (Meier 1957:93-199; Landolt 1986:70-79). At least some of the Kubrawiyya dhikr techniques have through the said 14th-century Central Asian mystics known as the Khwâjagân also been adopted in the Naqshbandiyya order. Since a presence of this order in Indonesia can be attested from the mid-17th century down, the occurrence of some of these techniques in Indonesia does not necessarily represent a direct Kubrawiyya influence.

It was observed above that an important devotional exercise and mystical technique of the Kubrawiyya as taught by `Abd al-Latîf al-Jâmî was the recitation of the Awrâd Fathiyya, which originated with `Alî al-Hamadânî. These litanies are still in use in various parts of the Muslim world, e.g. in certain Naqshbandiyya circles in Turkey.[17] The name of the Awrâd Fathiyya appears to be unknown in Indonesia. One of the litanies in this collection, however, is widely known throughout Java;[18] it is in fact one of the most common formulas for pious recitation there, not associated with any specific mystical order. It is tempting to assume that the popularity of this wird is still due to the prestige `Abd al-Latîf al-Jâmî once enjoyed.

The most distinctive feature of the Kubrawiyya order – or at least of its leading thinkers, Kubrâ, Isfarâ’inî, Najmuddîn Râzî, Simnânî, and Hamadânî – is the emphasis on the visionary perception of coloured lights, the symbolic interpretation of these colours and the use of these coloured lights to lead the devotee on towards spiritual perfection (see Corbin 1978; Meier 1957:115-26; Elias 1993). Some scholars have seen this as a straightforward borrowing from Tantric Hinduism or Buddhism.

Now there are in Java various esoteric Muslim sects that also use meditational techniques to produce a perception of such coloured lights (among which the black and green lights, as with the Kubrawiyya, have a privileged place). The anthropologist Woodward heard in Yogyakarta that the Sultan ‘is believed to see a green light when meditating.'[19] This appears to correspond to the highest variety of visional experience recognised by Kubrawiyya authors.

The vision of coloured lights appears to occupy a central place among the spiritual techniques of the Haqmaliyah or Akmaliyah, a little-known local tarékat (mystical order) of West Java.[20] There appear to be significant differences between the various branches of this tarékat, both in practices and in the interpretation of the visions; they are, moreover, highly reluctant to divulge their teachings and practices to the uninitiated for fear of giving rise to misunderstanding and accusations of heresy. One branch of the Haqmaliyah with which I am acquainted produces the visionary perception of coloured rays through the recitation of certain formulae in combination with a technique of sensory deprivation and breath control: the ears are closed with the thumbs, the eyes with the index fingers, the nostrils with the middle fingers, and the remaining four fingers tightly close the mouth.[21]

Just like the Kubrawiyya authors, teachers of this meditational technique have a more or less elaborate system of interpretation of the various lights, and the practitioners whom I talked with believed that spiritual progress is reflected in the perception of different colours, a radiant black light in particular appearing only to the more advanced meditator. One is tempted to attribute this practice to an early Kubrawiyya influence, the origins of which may have been forgotten.[22] However, exactly the same technique of closing the apertures in the head is also practised in Indian Tantric circles, where it is known as yoni mudra.[23] On the other hand, the technique has not been attested anywhere in Kubrawiyya sources. So does the vision of coloured lights here represent a Tantric “survival” from Java’s pre-Islamic past,[24] or is it due to a Kubrawiyyah influence?

The written literature of this sect does not yield any clear clues as to the origins of this meditation technique. The major work, Lajang Moeslimin-Moeslimat (Martawidjaja 1930), contains metaphysical-mystical teachings of the wahdat al-wujûd kind in the form of a dialogue between Raden Muslimin and his younger brother Raden Muslimat, somewhat reminiscent of the didactic sections of the Serat Centhini. There are unmistakable influences of al-Jîlî’s al-Insân al-kâmil,[25] but with typically Indonesian modifications. The text, as common in Indonesia, describes not five but seven stages of emanation (martabat tujuh).[26] In the third stage (Wâhidiyya), where the Prophet’s spiritual substance (nûr Muhammad, the Light of Muhammad) first emerges, this is said to appear as coloured rays, first red, then yellow, white and black.[27] In later stages of the emanation process, these coloured lights become associated, in typically Javanese fashion, with the four Arabic letters making up the name of Allah, the four elements (fire, wind, water and earth), four bodily constituents (flesh, marrow, hide and bone), four souls (nafsu) or states of the soul (nafsu amarah, nafsu lawamah, nafsu sawiah and nafsu mutma’inah),[28] and four sense organs (ears, eyes, mouth and nose). Another passage adds colourless clear and dark lights and various shades of blue to the range of coloured lights, without a further attempt to fit them into a classificatory scheme.[29]

The somewhat similar Malay and Javanese texts edited by Johns (1957, 1965) also speak of nûr Muhammad in the stage of Wâhidiyya, but make no mention of coloured lights, nor do they refer to any of the other fourfold classifications. These cosmological and cosmogonic speculations are very reminiscent of the Old Javanese Sang Hyang Kamahâyânikan, with the difference that the classifications there are mostly fivefold (Kats 1910:106-16). If they actually have such a pre-Islamic origin, they must have passed through an earlier stage of islamisation, however, for the terms and the associated imagery used are definitely part of the Islamic mystical tradition.

The term my Sundanese informants used for the visionary experience and, by extension, also for the technique itself was tajallî. This is a well-known Sufi technical term, usually rendered as ‘theophany’ or ‘self-manifestation of God.’ It occurs frequently in al-Jîlî’s al-Insân al-kâmil, the major source of inspiration for the Haqmaliyah. Al-Jîlî discusses God’s self-revelation in His acts (tajallî al-af`âl), His names (tajallî al-asmâ’), His attributes (tajallî al-sifât) and His essence (tajallî al-dhât). Seen from the human point of view, tajallî ‘is the light whereby the mystic’s heart has a vision of God’ (Nicholson 1921:135). The same term is also used by Kubrawiyya authors as well as by the eighteenth-century Kubrawiyya-influenced Indian Sufi and scholar Shâh Walî Allâh; in their writings, it appears to refer inter alia to the said visionary experience (see Landolt 1986, index tajallî; cf. Baljon 1986:31-2, 127-8).

For this Sundanese sect, tajallî is the esoteric dimension of all Muslim worship. To summarise the Lajang Moeslimin-Moeslimat, each act has besides its external meaning (sharî`a) three deeper meanings, haqîqa, tarîqa and ma`rifa, of which the last is the most esoteric. The sharî`a of prayer (salât) consists of the physical movements of standing, bending forward, prostrating oneself and sitting; its haqîqa consists of the letters ALLH, that is the name of Allah; its tarîqa is the ‘real’ salât, absolute tajallî; and its ma`rifa is the direct encounter with the nûr Muhammad, that is the four coloured lights.[30]

This Sundanese text, as may have been noticed, does not mention the green light, to which the Kubrawiyya authors attribute pre-eminence. My informants, however, spontaneously mentioned this luminous green and attributed the most positive value to green, black and colourless light – which is consistent with Kubrawiyya sources. The doctrines and practices of this Sundanese sect are, to my knowledge, not found combined elsewhere. It may of course have been the case that the founder or founders of this sect simply combined pre-Islamic techniques of producing luminous visions, Javanese concepts of classification and al-Jîlî’s Islamic emanation theory. I nevertheless venture the hypothesis of a Kubrawiyya influence which, precisely because that order already incorporated a similar mixture, was easily grafted upon the remnants of pre-Islamic Tantric traditions and thereby facilitated their integration into Islamic esoteric mysticism.

Perhaps the least doubtful trace of early Kubrawiyya contacts is the name of an almost omnipresent mythical character in the sacred history of Islamic Java: the shaikh Jumadil Kubra, to whom all the saints of Java appear to be related somehow. It appears that this name, which almost certainly is a corruption of Najmuddîn al-Kubrâ, has attached itself to various legendary and mythical personalities, who have in common that they are ancestors or preceptors of the founders of Islam in Java – an oblique acknowledgement, perhaps, of the prestige of the Kubrawiyya in the period of islamisation.

Sèh Jumadil Kubra

In traditions from western Java, Sèh Jumadil Kubra figures as an ancestor of Sunan Gunung Jati. The chronicles of Banten and Cirebon give, in slightly variant forms, the following abbreviated genealogy:

The Prophet Muhammad

Ali and Fatimah

Imam Husain

Imam Zainal Âbidin

Imam Ja`far Sadiq

Sèh Zainal Kubra (or: Zainal Kabir)

Sèh Jumadil Kubra

Sèh Jumadil Kabir

Sultan Bani Israil

Sultan Hut and Queen Fatimah

Muhammad Nuruddin (the later Sunan Gunung Jati)[31]

This genealogy consists of a number of distinct parts. The first part names the Prophet’s direct lineal descendants down to the sixth Shi`i Imam, Ja`far al-Sâdiq (whose father, the fifth Imam, Muhammad al-Bâqir, is not mentioned in any version I have seen). The silsila of several Sufi orders (though not of the Kubrawiyya) begin with these names, as do the genealogies of all sayyids from Hadramaut; significantly, Ja`far is also the last of the Imams listed in those cases. The last part of the genealogy names two mythical rulers of an equally mythical heartland of Islam (sometimes named Egypt); their names appear to lay an explicit link with pre-Muhammadan prophetic tradition. Hûd is the name of the earliest of the five ‘Arab’ prophets mentioned in the Qur’an, but the name also occurs in the Qur’an as a collective noun denoting the Jews; Banû Isrâ’îl, ‘the Children of Israel,’ similarly is a Qur’anic term for the Jews, which sometimes includes other monotheists as well (Wensinck/Pellat 1967; Goitein 1960). Both names therefore also mean ‘ruler of the Jews.’

Most mysterious are the three linguistically deviant, quasi-Arabic names in the middle. I believe that Jumadil Kubra is the only significant one and that the other two are formed by analogy, precisely because this is such a strange name. The Arabic word kubrâ (written with the characters KBRY) is an adjective in the feminine mode, the superlative of kabîr (KBYR), ‘great.’ The corresponding masculine form would be akbar (AKBR). It is highly anomalous to have al-Kubrâ, ‘the Greatest,’ as part of a man’s name. Najmuddîn al-Kubrâ is the only prominent personality in Islamic history to be so designated; he is often simply referred to as Kubrâ. In his case, this is an elliptic form of the Qur’anic expression al-tâmma al-kubrâ, ‘the major disaster,’ a nickname referring to his skills as a debater (Algar 1980:300). It is easy to see how on Javanese tongues Najmuddîn al-Kubrâ became Najumadinil Kubra and hence, through elision of the first and contraction of the fourth and fifth syllables, turned into Jumadil Kubra, perhaps partly by analogy with the names of the Muslim months Jumâdâ’l-Ûlâ and Jumâdâ’l-Ukhrâ.[32]

The name Jumadil Kabir is probably just a hypercorrect form of Jumadil Kubra, as are the names Jumadil Akbar and Jumadil Makbur, which we find in other Javanese texts. One rarely encounters both names together; some texts have one of them where other texts have the other. The name Zainal Kubra, finally, is another anomaly since after Zainal one would expect a substantive, not an adjective.[33] The name appears to be the product of a simple permutation of the elements of other names in the genealogy. Strange though the name Zainal Kubra may be, it occurs in texts from various parts of Java as a link between Jumadil Kubra and the Prophet’s family. This prestigious association is probably why Amangkurat II adopted precisely this name among those he adorned himself with upon accession to the Mataram throne: Susuhunan Ratu Amangkurat Senapati Ingalaga Ngabdulrahman Muhammad Zainal Kubra (Ricklefs 1993:273n2).

Of these various fictitious persons, Jumadil Kubra is the only one about whom we find developed legends in Javanese literature, and with whom places of pilgrimage are associated. The Babad Cirebon makes him not only an ancestor of Sunan Gunung Jati, but also of the other wali Sunan Bonang and Sunan Ampèl, and even of that most Javanese of the saints, Sunan Kalijaga.[34] In the genealogy of the last-named, the babad mentions following ‘Jumadilmakbur’ another name vaguely suggestive of a Kubrawiyya connection, Shaikh Aswa’ al-Safaranîn (or, in other manuscripts, Sagharnané, or Safaranâ’î), which can hardly be anything else but a corruption of al-Isfarâ’inî. The east Iranian town of Isfarâ’in was a major centre of the Kubrawiyya, and several influential shaikhs of that order bear this nisba (the name Aswa’, however, does not resemble that of any known Isfarâ’inî).

A Javanese chronicle of Gresik summarised by Wiselius makes Jumadilkubra the grandfather of yet another wali, the first Sunan Giri. In this chronicle, Jumadil Kubra is a blood relative of Sunan Ampel and resides in Gresik; his son, Maulana Ishaq, is dispatched to Blambangan by Sunan Ampèl in order to islamicise it. Ishaq marries the daughter of the ruler of Blambangan but fails to convert his father-in-law to Islam and in frustration moves to Malacca, leaving behind his pregnant wife. The princess dies in childbirth and the child is thrown into the sea, from which it is miraculously saved by a sailor from Gresik. The boy is given a thorough Islamic education and ultimately becomes the first Sunan Giri (Wiselius 1876:467-8). The Babad Tanah Jawi has a virtually identical legend, but Sunan Giri’s father there is named Wali Lanang instead of Maulana Ishaq, and Jumadil Kubra is not at all mentioned in this connection (Meinsma 1941:20-1; cf. Fox 1991:25-8 for various other versions of Sunan Giri’s ancestry). However, a genealogy of the late 17th-century Shattariyya shaikh Abdul Muhyi of Pamijahan in south Tasikmalaya, who claimed descent from Sunan Giri, does list both Maulana Ishaq and Jumadil Kubra (Kosasi 1938:137).

A Javanese popular legend from the Tengger region(!), the Cariosé Telaga Ranu, mentions Maulana Ishaq and Jumadil Kubra as brothers of the hermits Ki Sèh Dadaputih on Mt Bromo and Ki Sèh Nyampo at Sukudomas. Maulana Ishaq goes to Balambangan and fathers Raden Paku (Sunan Giri); Jumadil Kubra establishes himself as a teacher in Mantingan.[35]

A variant recension of the Babad Tanah Jawi, the Babad Pajajaran, quoted by Djajadiningrat (1913:262), adds the theme of incest to the Jumadil Kubra legend. In this version too, he is a cousin or a nephew of Sunan Ampèl and lives as an ascetic in the forest near Gresik. His wife dies in childbirth; the daughter that is born grows into a beautiful girl, and one day Jumadil Kubra has sexual intercourse with her. When she gives birth to a son, he becomes so ashamed that he throws himself into the river and drowns. He is buried in Gresik and his grave becomes a place of pilgrimage.[36]

In slightly different form this incest legend also occurs in the Sajarah Banten: Jumadil Kubra, not associated with any particular locality here, is a son of Ja`far Sadiq. His wife dies, leaving him with a son and a beautiful daughter. He makes the daughter pregnant, and when a son is born the child is abandoned in the forest. It is found and brought up by a poor man; when growing up, the boy is sent to study with Sèh Jumadil Kubra, who gives him the name of Shamsu Tabris and intends to make him his son-in-law. Discovering Shamsu’s real identity, the shaikh dies in shame, and Shamsu sets out on long years of wandering as an act of penitence (Djajadiningrat 1913:26, cf. 261-5, where yet other versions are discussed). There are numerous other Javanese legends concerning Syamsu Tabris or Tamrès (Drewes 1930); this mythical character has little but the name in common with the young Persian dervish Shams-i Tabrîz, who has been immortalised by the great Sufi poet Jalâluddîn Rûmî. (In some Turkish and Kurdish folk legends, however, Shams-i Tabrîz is born from a virgin, Rûmî’s daughter, which may foreshadow the incest theme). In the Babad Cirebon, we find the earlier themes merged: Syamsu occurs again as a son of Jumadil Kubra (but without any suggestion of incest); he marries a princess of Champa and begets two sons, one of whom becomes Sunan Ampèl.[37]

Raffles has preserved another legend from Gresik in which Jumadil Kubra is not an ancestor but a preceptor of the first walî. Radèn Rahmat, the future Sunan Ampèl, born from the union of an Arab scholar and a princess of Campa, first arrives in Palembang and from there travels on to Majapahit. He lands at Gresik, ‘where he visited Sheik Molana Jomadil Kobra, a devotee who had established himself on Gunung Jali, and who declared to him that his arrival at that particular period had been predicted by the prophet; that the fall of paganism was at hand, and that he was elected to preach the doctrine of Mahomet in the eastern ports of Java’ (Raffles 1817:117).

A similar role is attributed to Sèh Jumadil Kubra in legends still told in villages on the slopes of the Gunung Merapi, north of Yogyakarta. He is believed to be the oldest of the Javanese Muslim saints, originating from Majapahit and living as a hermit in the mountain forest here. Without much regard for chronology, he is also believed to have been spiritual adviser to Sultan Agung, the greatest ruler of Mataram (1613-1646). Once every 35-day period, in the night of Friday Kliwon, the sultan’s spirit would visit the shaikh in his mountain haunt (Triyoga 1991:36-7). The shaikh’s maqam or grave[38] is pointed out on the top of a secondary peak at the village of Turgo, Gunung Kawastu. It draws a steady trickle of visitors, many of whom spend one of more nights here in pursuit of spiritual power and sensitivity (prihatin).

Turgo is not the only place that can boast a maqam of Sèh Jumadil Kubra. The grave at Gresik mentioned in the Babad Pajajaran is no longer known, but presently one of the Muslim graves at Tralaya, near the capital of Majapahit, is pointed out as the one and only grave of Jumadil Kubra. This is the most widely acknowledged and most frequently visited of his maqam. It is not unusual for people making a pilgrimage to the Nine Saints of Java (wali sanga) to pay their respects to their ancestor at Tralaya first. Prior to the 1992 elections the grave was visited by three high-ranking cabinet ministers (all of whom were rewarded when the new government was formed). When the conflict-ridden Partai Demokrasi Indonesia convened its Extraordinary Congress in Surabaya in December 1993, the delegation from Solo stopped at Tralaya to pay its respects to the saint before proceeding to Surabaya.[39]

The saint furthermore has ties with the Semarang area. One version of the Babad Tanah Jawi has him perform his tapa in the Bergota hills south of present Semarang.[40] A grave located between the coastal fish-ponds at a place called Terbaya, not far from Semarang, is locally known as the maqam of Sèh Jumadil Kubra (Budiman 1978:92). Elsewhere in the Semarang area, at Sampangan, there is a ruin (petilasan) named after him (ibid.:93-4).

We thus find Jumadil Kubra associated with four different regions of Java (Banten-Cirebon, Gresik-Majapahit, Semarang-Mantingan and Yogyakarta) and with a number of different complexes of legends. It is almost as if Javanese Muslims of different times and places started out with the name, and have then sought for appropriate characters to attach it to, thereby coming up with some mutually inconsistent solutions. The range of legends and of geographical dispersion suggests that the archetype of Jumadil Kubra must have enjoyed great prestige in early Indonesian Islam; the absence of any characteristic traceable to Najmuddin al-Kubra, on the other hand, suggests that his influence must have remained shallow.

Shaikh Jamâluddîn al-Akbar, the Arab ancestor of the wali and kiai of Java

Besides the babad tradition, there exists another legendary tradition about the islamisation of Java. It emerged and is kept alive in circles of the Hadrami sayyid, descendants of the Prophet, who have had a great influence on Indonesian Islam. The Javanese kiai at present tend to adhere to the sayyid version rather than that of the babad – between which, as we shall see, there are many parallels. It was only in the 19th century that Arabs from Hadramaut started coming to Indonesia in large numbers, but individual traders and scholars from those parts had been settling in the islands for several centuries, marrying with local women. According to the traditions of the sayyids from Hadramaut (which need of course not be very ancient), the saints who islamicised Java and other parts of Southeast Asia were the offspring of such unions. Their alleged common ancestor was named Jamâluddîn Husain al-Akbar (see for instance their ‘family tree’ in al-Baqir 1986:45).

The oldest written versions of this historical tradition that I have seen are by the pen of Sayyid `Alwî ibn Tâhir ibn `Abdallâh al-Haddâr al-Haddâd, who until his death in 1962 was the muftî of Johor. It must be older, however, for some of the kiai I know already heard already from their grandfathers that they descended from a certain Jamâluddîn al-Husainî.[41] There appears to be some confusion, though; a person of this name lies buried in Medina, and on the assumption that this is their ancestor, Javanese kiai visit his grave after that of the Prophet. His patronymics, however, do not correspond with the alleged genealogy of Jamâluddîn al-Akbar.

The latter, like all Hadrami sayyid, descends from the sixth Shi`i imam, Ja`far al-Sâdiq, through his great-great-grandson, Ahmad al-Muhâjir, the first descendant of the Prophet to settle in Hadramaut. The genealogy remains for another six generations identical with that of several leading families of Hadrami sayyid (e.g. Mahayudin 1984:40, 47, 50, 54-5; al-Baqir 1986:17, 42). The last ancestor Jamâluddîn has in common with the sayyids is Muhammad ‘Sâhib Mirbât;’ his grandson `Abd al-Malik is said to have settled in Nasrâbâd in India, where his descendants became known as the family of Adhamat Khan and carried noble titles, grandson Ahmad even being called ‘Shâh’ (al-Haddâd 1403:6-7; al-Baqir 1986:42). Shâh Ahmad’s son Jamâluddîn and his brothers are said to have swarmed out over Southeast Asia, Jamâluddîn himself first setting foot in Cambodia and Acheh, then sailing to Semarang and spending many years in Java, and finally continuing to ‘the island of the Bugis,’ where he died (al-Haddâd 1403:8-11).[42] His son, Ibrâhîm Zain al-Akbar, married a Cambodian princess and begot two sons, Maulânâ Ishâq and Rahmatullâh alias Sunan Ampèl. Through another son, `Alî Nûr al-`Âlam, Jamâluddîn also became the great-grandfather of Sunan Gunung Jati, and through a third son, Zain al-`Âlim, the grandfather of yet another walî, Maulânâ Malik Ibrâhîm.[43]

This Jamâluddîn al-Akbar has remarkably much in common with the Jumadil Kubra of the babad. Al-Baqir has also noticed this; he comments that books in Javanese often incorrectly write Jamâluddîn’s name as Jumadil Kubra (1986:43n). I tend to believe it was the other way around; the Jamâluddîn story seems to me the product of an early 20th-century effort to ‘correct’ the Javanese legends. Kubrâ was replaced by more ‘correct’ Akbar, Jumâdî by the Arabic name that it most resembled, Jamâluddîn. A more credible genealogy was constructed, the Hadrami sayyid conveniently also being descendants of Ja`far al-Sâdiq, just like the Jumadil Kubra of the babad. The different and often mutually incompatible legends involving Jumadil Kubra were combined into a more or less coherent whole. Unislamic elements such as the incest theme were suppressed, as was the name of the Persian, Shams-i Tabrîz.

My hypothesis that this ‘sayyid’ version is a relatively recent fabrication receives some support from Serjeant’s observation that the sayyid in Hadramaut itself ‘criticise them [the mixed offspring of sayyid in Java] and their Arab fathers for omitting to maintain family registers’ (1957:25-6). It was only with the establishment in 1928 of al-Râbita al-`Alawiyya, an association of sayyid families, that systematic efforts were made to register family genealogies. The person of Jamâluddîn al-Akbar and his genealogy are most probably the products of these attempts to reconstruct the history of the sayyid in Indonesia. There were no protests, for not only were there no documents to disprove the genealogy, the two groups most concerned both stood to gain from this historical revision. Due to this ‘corrected’ genealogy, the leading families of Javanese kiai, who claim descent from the saints of Java, could henceforth ‘prove’ themselves to be the distant cousins of the arrogant Hadrami sayyid, and the latter at the same time recuperated the entire process of islamisation of Java.


I set out to write this article because I became fascinated with the Central Asian and Persian names I came across in early Javanese Muslim texts from Banten and Cirebon. The Kubrawiyya, with which many of these names are associated, is an important Sufi order that I have, however, never seen mentioned in an Indonesian context. I started searching whether specific Kubrawiyya practices perhaps survived under another name, remembering a local tarékat whose meditation practices are reminiscent of the colour visions for which the Kubrawiyya is known. One widely used wird (litany) appeared to be part of the best-known Kubrawiyya collection of such litanies. In neither case can a direct influence be proven, but at least a remarkable parallel between certain Javanese Islamic and Central Asian Kubrawiyya practices has been established.

Looking back, I realise that Najmuddîn al-Kubrâ’s transformation into Jumadil Kubra and hence into Jamâluddîn al-Akbar, which I first noticed only as a curiosity, may be read as a parable for the history of Indonesian Islam. A Persian-speaking Central Asian mystic, heir to the Iranian spiritual tradition and perhaps influenced by Tantric practices, who gave his name to Sufi teachings that were recognisable and appealing to the Javanese, became an archetypal Javanese saint, ancestor figure and forest hermit, the walî of the walî. The one among the coastal ‘Nine Saints’ whom he most came to resemble was the most Javanese of them all, Sunan Kalijaga.[44] Like Kalijaga’s also, his maqâm are to be found in various parts of Java.

The Arabisation of his name into Jamâluddîn al-Akbar indicates an increasing attention to correct form (I am tempted to write ‘form over substance’) and corresponds of course to the gradual Arabisation of Javanese Islam in general. The increasing prominence of the Hadrami sayyid in the religious life of the Indonesians (their numbers increased dramatically in the 19th century) was an important factor in this process. Typically Javanese elements, but also those of Indian or Iranian origin (exemplified, I like to believe, in the figure of Shams-i Tabrîz) are gradually purged. The Javanese kiai no longer seek their ancestor in the former capital of Majapahit or on Yogyakarta’s magical mountain but in the city of the Prophet, Medina.


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Kubrawiyya silsila: the Hamadaniyya branch and Qushâshî’s line of affiliation

Najmuddîn al-Kubrâ (d.1221)

Majduddîn al-Baghdâdî (d.1219)

Radî al-dîn `Alî-yi Lâlâ (d.1244)

Ahmad al-Jûrfânî [Gurpânî] (d 1270) = Ahmad al-Rûdbârî

Nûruddîn `Abd al-Rahmân al-Isfarâ’inî
(d.1317) `Abd al-Rahmân al-Sharafî

`Alâ’ al-dawla al-Simnânî (d.1336)
Shihâbuddîn al-Dimashqî

Mahmûd al-Mazdaqânî (d.1359-60)

`Alî al-Hamadânî (d.1384) Abu’l-`Abbâs Ahmad al-Zâhid

Ishâq al-Khuttalânî (d.1423)

`Abdallâh al-Barzishâbâdî (d.1467-8) M.b.`Umar al-Wâsitî al-Ghamrî

Rashîd al-dîn al-Isfarâ’inî [al-Bîdâwâzî]

Shâh `Alî al-Isfarâ’inî al-Bîdâwâzî Zakariyyâ’ al-Ansârî (d.1520)

Muhammad al-Khâbûshânî (d.1531-2)

`Abd al-Wahhâb al-Sha`rânî

`Abd al-Latîf al-Jâmî Husain al-Khwârazmî
(d.1555) (d.1551)

Ya`qûb al-Sarfî al-Kashmîrî `Alî b.`Abd al-Quddûs
(d.1594) al-Shinnâwî

Ahmad al-Sirhindî (d.1624) Ahmad b.`Alî al-Shinnâwî

Âdam al-Banûrî (d.1663) Ahmad al-Qushâshî (d.1661)

Sayyid `Abdallâh Ibrâhîm al-Kûrânî (d.1691)

`Abd al-Rahîm (d.1719) Abû Tâhir Muhammad
al-Kûrânî (d.1733)

Shâh Walî Allâh (d.1762)

[1] The Malay and Javanese texts have been edited and summarily translated by Edel (1938). For an attempt to date the text and to assess its relation to other Banten and Cirebon chronicles, see Djajadiningrat 1913:195-9.

[2] The editor, J. Edel, added a few errors of his own, making some of the names less easily recognisable. I have consulted the Malay ms. that he used as the basis for his edition (Leiden Cod.Or. 1711) to correct a few of his readings.

[3] Professor Hermann Landolt kindly drew my attention to this and related silsila listed in al-Qushâshî’s work.

[4] `Abd al-Ra’ûf al-Singkilî, Tanbîh al-mâshî al-mansûb ilâ tarîq al-Qushâshî (Cod. Jakarta A 101). His contemporary Yusuf Makassar, who was also intensively tutored by al-Qushâshî’s successor Ibrâhîm al-Kûrânî, mentions the Kubrawiyya just once in his writings (Safîna al-najâh), as one of fifteen orders with which he was acquainted, but does not pay it any special attention.

[5] Nòt the Shadhiliyya, for al-Qushâshî does not list this order among those in which he had initiations.

[6] The Babad Cirebon does not refer to these ‘fellow students.’

[7] Here a proper name appears to have been omitted.

[8] Central Asian and East Iranian Kubrawiyya silsila have an Ahmad Gûrpânî (Arabised: al-Jûrfânî) as Majduddîn’s chief khalîfa, others, including al-Qushâshî, mention an Ahmad Rûdbârî. The list in the SBR shows these two Ahmad to be the same person.

[9] Al-Qushâshî 1327:98-9. Al-Sha`rânî gives in al-Tabaqât al-kubrâ brief biographies of his three predecessors in this silsila, al-Ansârî, al-Ghamrî and Ahmad al-Zâhid, but does not mention the persons preceding them. Elsewhere, in fact, he mentions another shaikh, Yûsuf al-`Ajamî al-Kûrânî, al-Zâhid’s spiritual ‘grandfather,’ as the progenitor of this Kubrawi line of affiliation in Egypt (Winter 1982:93, 215).

[10] Walî Allâh n.d.:120-1. The activities of Al-Khâbûshânî, al-Khwârazmî and his successor, Ya`qûb al-Sarfî al-Kashmîrî, receive extensive treatment in DeWeese 1988:67-77. Note that the next person in Shâh Walî Allâh’s silsila, Ahmad al-Sirhindî, is primarily known as the great reformer of the Naqshbandiyya. He is credited with introducing al-Simnânî’s doctrines and spiritual techniques (wahdat al-shuhûd as opposed to wahdat al-wujûd; meditation focussing on ‘subtle points’ in the body, the latâ’if) into this order (cf. Bruinessen 1982:54-8).

[11] Called Shaikh Shâh al-Isfarâ’inî al-Bîdawarânî by al-Ghazzî, and `Alî al-Baidâwârî by Trimingham. On the Kubrawiyya shaikhs of this Central Asian line, see DeWeese 1988.

[12] Al-Ghazzî 1979, vol. II:181-2. Cf. Trimingham 1973:96, who cites Ibn al-`Imâd, a later Syrian historian, whose account of al-Jâmî (in vol. VIII:282-283) depends entirely on al-Ghazzi.

[13] This military force may have had other functions besides honouring and protecting the shaikh. Upon arrival the soldiers entered the service of the ruler of Bukhara, giving rise to Iranian suspicions of military cooperation between the two Sunni states against Shi`ite Iran (Sidi Ali Reis 1899:96-7; cf. Vambéry’s introduction to this text, pp. vi-viii).

[14] The Kubrawiyya-Hamadaniyya branch is seldom mentioned in later sources, but there are indications that it remained in existence in the Hijaz. As late as 1731-2, Abû Tâhir Muhammad al-Kûrânî initiated the Indian Shâh Walî Allâh into several orders, among which the Hamadaniyya branch of the Kubrawiyya (Walî Allâh n.d.:120-1).

[15] In the standard Naqshbandi silsila, Bahâ’uddîn Naqshband (d.1389), to whom the Naqshbandiyya owes its name, is shown as following Khwâja `Azîzân in the third generation, cf. Bruinessen 1992:50.

[16] The possibility of this identity was suggested to me by Hermann Landolt.

[17] They are to be found in a much-used Turkish Naqshbandi manual, Miftâh al-qulûb (el-Nakibendi 1979:557-589).

[18] This is the wird (litany) beginning with astaghfir Allâh al-`azîm, astaghfir Allâh al-`azîm, astaghfir Allâh al-`azîm al-lâdhî lâ ilâh illâ hû al-hayy al-qayyûm wa atûbu ilayh. Allâhumma anta al-salâm wa minka al-salâm wa ilayka yarji`u al-salâm…, pp. 564-*** in el-Nakibendi 1979.

[19] Woodward 1989:180. None of my own informants in Yogyakarta knew anything of this alleged meditation of the sultan. Here as elsewhere in his book, Woodward appears to depend on one or a few informants with idiosyncretic views, but such views may of course well be rooted in an authentic oral tradition.

[20] The three teachers whose writings Drewes studied in his dissertation (1925) were affiliated with the Akmaliyah, but those texts contain no references to the specific devotions of this order. The tarékat spread from the Cirebon-Banyumas region also to Central and East Java but never acquired a large following.

[21] This branch, founded by Kiai Kahpi of Garut, is also known as Muslimin Muslimat, after its major scripture, a didactic text in Sundanese verse (dangding) written by Kahpi’s son Asep Martawidjaja (1930). See also the brief note on this sect and its meditation technique in Atjeh 1984:390. The same technique was described to me by a teacher of the Sammaniyya order in West Sumatra, Buya Syahruddin of Berulak, who claimed that it was part of the regular Sammaniyya devotions (interview, 24-3-1990).

[22] Simnânî enumerates the coloured lights in the order in which they appear to the mystic as: dark blue, ruby red, white, yellow, black and green. In the early stages of the path, the mystic may have brief glimpses of these lights, the strength of his dhikr determining the colour he perceives (Elias 1993:72-4).

[23] This technique was explained to me by a tantric practitioner whom I met in Lucknow in 1984. My informant was born a Hindu but had recently converted to Islam; however, he had learned the yoni mudra from a Hindu holy man. He was not aware of any system of interpretation of the various colours nor of a hierarchy among the colours.

[24] That meditation techniques to produce a vision of coloured lights were known in Java in the pre-Islamic period is clear from such Old Javanese works as the Sang Hyang Kamahâyânikan. See e.g. Kats 1910:106-7.

[25] This work of al-Jîlî’s is the single most important text used by other branches of the Haqmaliyah as well. The study devoted to this conceptually very rich text by Nicholson (1921, Chapter 2) is still the best.

[26] The theory of seven stages probably originates with the early 17th-century Indian Sufi, Muhammad b. Fadlallâh Burhânpûrî. For an adequate discussion of martabat tujuh metaphysics in Malay and Javanese Sufi texts, see Johns 1957 and 1965.

[27] ‘Enya éta sorotna nu tadi/ tina Johar awal Dat Sipatna Allah/ Hakékat Muhammad écés/ Sipatna padang alus/ bijil cahya opat rupi/ cahya beureum mimitina/ dua konéng kitu/ katilu cahaya bodas/ kaopatna cahaya hideung geus pasti/ ngaranna Nur Muhammad.’ (Martawidjaja 1930, I:34, spelling adapted). Compare this with Simnânî’s description of the coloured lights as they appear in meditation (note *21 above).

[28] Traditional Muslim psychology recognises three states of the nafs or animal soul: al-nafs al-`ammâra (the concupiscent soul, indulging in vice and hating virtue), an-nafs al-lawwâma (the reproaching soul, repenting for past sin), and al-nafs al-mutma’inna (the quiet soul, in harmony with the divine will). These three terms are Qur’anic. Javanese mysticism often appears to consider them as three different souls or vital forces, and has for reasons of classification added a fourth, named sâwiyya (as here) or sûfiyya. The characteristics attributed to these nafsu differ from sect to sect, but mutma’inah is always associated with harmony and altruism, and the other three with various earthly drives and desires.

[29] ‘Geus gulung pana paningal, caang powék beureum hideung bodas kuning, bulao biru djeung wungu, péndékna sadayana,…’ (Martawidjaja 1930, I:40).

[30] ‘Saréat sholat téh kang rayi/ nya éta nangtung ruku téa/ sujud lungguh bukti gawé/ ari hakékatna puguh/ Alif Lam enggeus pasti/ terasna Lam Ha nya éta lapadz Allah/ henteu salah tangtu/ dupi thorékatna sholat/ tetep baé dina keur sholat sajati/ tajalining mutlak// Ma’rifatna kudu sing kapanggih/ sareng éta Nur Muhammad téa/ ka cahya opat sing ‘ain/ …’ (Martawidjaja, ed. Sudibjo 1981, III:85-6). One of my informants called the technique of closing the sense organs with the fingers ‘the real prayer’ and explained that these seven apertures and ten fingers together correspond to the 17 raka`ât that make up the five daily sharî`a prayers.

[31] Edel 1938:123, 149, 253; Brandes/Rinkes 1911, Canto 13; cf. Djajadiningrat 1913:17, 106. Ja`far Sadiq’s name is lacking in the SBR, the Babad Cirebon has only one of the two Jumadi, and Djajadiningrat gives their names in reverse order.

[32] In the Arabic script the Gestalt of both forms of the name is not dissimilar: NJM ALDYN ALKBRY became JMADY ALKBRY; the months are also written as JMADY.

[33] Some of the genealogies given in other Javanese texts contain yet other names formed on the same pattern, such as Zainal Azim, Zainal Alim, Zainal Kabir, Zainal Husain (Kosasi 1938:137; Hasyim 1979:15; and a genealogy in the book of the juru kunci of Jumadil Kubra’s maqam in Turgo).

[34] ‘Kacapa kandi asal mula/ para wali Jawa kabèh/ ingkang dhihin Sunan Bonang/ iku kamulinira/ panceran tedhaking Rasul/ saking Syekh Jumadilkubra// Jumadilkubra sisiwi/ lanang ika kang peparab/ Syekh Molana Samsu Tamrès/ jumeneng pandhita Cempa/ akrama putra Cempa/ ing kanané wus amasyhur/ pandhita mustaqim akbar// paputra jalu kakalih/ kang nama Tubagus Rakhmat/ ya hiku Susunan Ampel/ kalih Tubagus Angejawa/ ngajak Islam ming sang ratu/ Majapahit datan karsa/ …’ (Brandes/Rinkes 1911, Canto 14); ‘kaping sakawan satengah/ para wali ing nusa Jawi nami/ Sunan Kali Jaga ulu/ tedhak saking Syekh Aswa’/ Safarana’i kang pancer sang Jumadilmakbur/ ika nuli puputra/ Arya Shadiq ingkang nami// jujuluk Arya ing Tuban/ apuputra ika ingkang pernami/ Radèn Arya Tumenggung/ Wilatikta mengkana/ Wilatikta puputra Radèn Sahidun/ iku Sunan Kali Jaga/ …’ (idem, Canto 15). The other Javanese and Sundanese versions of the Babad Cirebon that have been published (Hadisutjipto 1979; Hermansoemantri 1984/1985) do not mention Jumadilkubra at all.

[35] Cariosé Telaga Ranu, Leiden CB 145 (1) A. I thank Karel Steenbrink for sending me his copy of the description and summary of this manuscript (in Dutch) by J. Soegijarto.

[36] This text gives Burérah (from Abu Huraira?) as the shaikh’s original name; in the Babad Tanah Jawi (Meinsma 1941:20), a Burérah occurs as the son of the ruler of Champa. The text incidentally gives a popular etymology of the shaikh’s name, by writing it as Dumadil Kubra (Jav. dumadi, ‘becoming’); alternatively, it calls him Abdul Qadir Kubra.

[37] See the Javanese text in note *33.

[38] A saint’s maqam may be, but is not necessarily, his grave. Any place sanctified by the presence of the saint’s spirit may be called his maqam and may be visited by believers invoking the saint’s support. Several Yogyakarta informants emphatically told me that the maqam at Turgo is not Jumadil Kubra’s grave. In 1955, however, a group of devotees from Purworejo had the maqam built up in the form of a shrine.

[39] Interview with the juru kunci at Tralaya, January 6, 1994. Of the ministers who visited the shrine, one is known as a strict Muslim, one of the others is a Javanese Christian. The Solo PDI delegation presumably was largely abangan.

[40] ‘Ya ta Sèh Jumadil Kobra/ amertapa anenggih pernah neki/ asanget prayoganipun/ wonten ardi Pragota/ pan akathah tiyang kang sami guguru/ sanget kabul pandongané/ sumungkem sagunging murid’ (Budiman 1978:94, quoting the Van Dorp edition of the Babad Tanah Jawi).

[41] In fact, al-Haddâd appears to depend heavily on a work in Javanese or Malay by Haji `Ali bin Khairuddin, ‘historian of the Javanese,’ which he quotes as Ketrangan kedatangan bungsu (sic!) Arab ke tanah Jawi sangking Hadramaut (al-Haddâd 1403:4).

[42] Oral tradition among kiai and sayyid in Java is more specific about this Bugis connection. A holy grave in Wajo, South Sulawesi, locally known as ‘kramat Mekah,’ is believed to contain the remains of this very Jamâluddîn. Neither the above genealogy nor Jamâluddîn’s role in the islamisation of Java, however, appear to be part of local knowledge concerning the grave (KH. Ma’ruf Amin, oral communication).

[43] This summarises the remainder of al-Haddâd 1403 (which connects yet many others with Jamâluddîn) and the corresponding chart in al-Baqir 1986:45. Al-Baqir mentions as his source a ‘research report’ by Sayid Zain bin Abdullah Alkaf.

[44] It is worth noting, however, that there are no traces in Jumadil Kubra of that other mythical Javanese saint, Sèh Siti Jenar, and his heresies and martyrdom.

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Syarifah Irhamni Azmatkhan Ba’alawi Al-Husaini.MA

Secara etimologi, wakaf berasal dari perkataan Arab “Waqf” yang berarti “al-Habs”. Ia merupakan kata yang berbentuk masdar (infinitive noun) yang pada dasarnya berarti menahan, berhenti, atau diam. Apabila kata tersebut dihubungkan dengan harta seperti tanah, binatang dan yang lain, ia berarti pembekuan hak milik untuk faedah tertentu (Ibnu Manzhur: 9/359).

Sebagai satu istilah dalam syariah Islam, wakaf diartikan sebagai penahanan hak milik atas materi benda (al-‘ain) untuk tujuan menyedekahkan manfaat atau faedahnya (al-manfa‘ah) (al-Jurjani: 328). Sedangkan dalam buku-buku fiqh, para ulama berbeda pendapat dalam memberi pengertian wakaf. Perbedaan tersebut membawa akibat yang berbeda pada hukum yang ditimbulkan. Definisi wakaf menurut ahli fiqh adalah sebagai berikut.

Pertama, Hanafiyah mengartikan wakaf sebagai menahan materi benda (al-‘ain) milik Wakif dan menyedekahkan atau mewakafkan manfaatnya kepada siapapun yang diinginkan untuk tujuan kebajikan (Ibnu al-Humam: 6/203). Definisi wakaf tersebut menjelaskan bahawa kedudukan harta wakaf masih tetap tertahan atau terhenti di tangan Wakif itu sendiri. Dengan artian, Wakif masih menjadi pemilik harta yang diwakafkannya, manakala perwakafan hanya terjadi ke atas manfaat harta tersebut, bukan termasuk asset hartanya.

Kedua, Malikiyah berpendapat, wakaf adalah menjadikan manfaat suatu harta yang dimiliki (walaupun pemilikannya dengan cara sewa) untuk diberikan kepada orang yang berhak dengan satu akad (shighat) dalam jangka waktu tertentu sesuai dengan keinginan Wakif (al-Dasuqi: 2/187). Definisi wakaf tersebut hanya menentukan pemberian wakaf kepada orang atau tempat yang berhak saja.

Ketiga, Syafi‘iyah mengartikan wakaf dengan menahan harta yang bisa memberi manfaat serta kekal materi bendanya (al-‘ain) dengan cara memutuskan hak pengelolaan yang dimiliki oleh Wakif untuk diserahkan kepada Nazhir yang dibolehkan oleh syariah (al-Syarbini: 2/376). Golongan ini mensyaratkan harta yang diwakafkan harus harta yang kekal materi bendanya (al-‘ain) dengan artian harta yang tidak mudah rusak atau musnah serta dapat diambil manfaatnya secara berterusan (al-Syairazi: 1/575).

Keempat, Hanabilah mendefinisikan wakaf dengan bahasa yang sederhana, yaitu menahan asal harta (tanah) dan menyedekahkan manfaat yang dihasilkan (Ibnu Qudamah: 6/185). Itu menurut para ulama ahli fiqih. Bagaimana menurut undang-undang di Indonesia? Dalam Undang-undang nomor 41 tahun 2004, wakaf diartikan dengan perbuatan hukum Wakif untuk memisahkan dan/atau menyerahkan sebagian harta benda miliknya untuk dimanfaatkan selamanya atau untuk jangka waktu tertentu sesuai dengan kepentingannya guna keperluan ibadah dan/atau kesejahteraan umum menurut syariah.

Dari beberapa definisi wakaf tersebut, dapat disimpulkan bahwa wakaf bertujuan untuk memberikan manfaat atau faedah harta yang diwakafkan kepada orang yang berhak dan dipergunakan sesuai dengan ajaran syariah Islam. Hal ini sesuai dengan fungsi wakaf yang disebutkan pasal 5 UU no. 41 tahun 2004 yang menyatakan wakaf berfungsi untuk mewujudkan potensi dan manfaat ekonomis harta benda wakaf untuk kepentingan ibadah dan untuk memajukan kesejahteraan umum.

Rukun Wakaf

Rukun Wakaf Ada empat rukun yang mesti dipenuhi dalam berwakaf. Pertama, orang yang berwakaf (al-waqif). Kedua, benda yang diwakafkan (al-mauquf). Ketiga, orang yang menerima manfaat wakaf (al-mauquf ‘alaihi). Keempat, lafadz atau ikrar wakaf (sighah).

Syarat-Syarat Wakaf

1. Syarat-syarat orang yang berwakaf (al-waqif)Syarat-syarat al-waqif ada empat, pertama orang yang berwakaf ini mestilah memiliki secara penuh harta itu, artinya dia merdeka untuk mewakafkan harta itu kepada sesiapa yang ia kehendaki. Kedua dia mestilah orang yang berakal, tak sah wakaf orang bodoh, orang gila, atau orang yang sedang mabuk. Ketiga dia mestilah baligh. Dan keempat dia mestilah orang yang mampu bertindak secara hukum (rasyid). Implikasinya orang bodoh, orang yang sedang muflis dan orang lemah ingatan tidak sah mewakafkan hartanya.

2. Syarat-syarat harta yang diwakafkan (al-mauquf)Harta yang diwakafkan itu tidak sah dipindahmilikkan, kecuali apabila ia memenuhi beberapa persyaratan yang ditentukan oleh ah; pertama barang yang diwakafkan itu mestilah barang yang berharga Kedua, harta yang diwakafkan itu mestilah diketahui kadarnya. Jadi apabila harta itu tidak diketahui jumlahnya (majhul), maka pengalihan milik pada ketika itu tidak sah. Ketiga, harta yang diwakafkan itu pasti dimiliki oleh orang yang berwakaf (wakif). Keempat, harta itu mestilah berdiri sendiri, tidak melekat kepada harta lain (mufarrazan) atau disebut juga dengan istilah (ghaira shai’).

3. Syarat-syarat orang yang menerima manfaat wakaf (al-mauquf alaih) Dari segi klasifikasinya orang yang menerima wakaf ini ada dua macam, pertama tertentu (mu’ayyan) dan tidak tertentu (ghaira mu’ayyan). Yang dimasudkan dengan tertentu ialah, jelas orang yang menerima wakaf itu, apakah seorang, dua orang atau satu kumpulan yang semuanya tertentu dan tidak boleh dirubah. Sedangkan yang tidak tentu maksudnya tempat berwakaf itu tidak ditentukan secara terperinci, umpamanya seseorang sesorang untuk orang fakir, miskin, tempat ibadah, dll. Persyaratan bagi orang yang menerima wakaf tertentu ini (al-mawquf mu’ayyan) bahwa ia mestilah orang yang boleh untuk memiliki harta (ahlan li al-tamlik), Maka orang muslim, merdeka dan kafir zimmi yang memenuhi syarat ini boleh memiliki harta wakaf. Adapun orang bodoh, hamba sahaya, dan orang gila tidak sah menerima wakaf. Syarat-syarat yang berkaitan dengan ghaira mu’ayyan; pertama ialah bahwa yang akan menerima wakaf itu mestilah dapat menjadikan wakaf itu untuk kebaikan yang dengannya dapat mendekatkan diri kepada Allah. Dan wakaf ini hanya ditujukan untuk kepentingan Islam saja.

4. Syarat-syarat Shigah Berkaitan dengan isi ucapan (sighah) perlu ada beberapa syarat. Pertama, ucapan itu mestilah mengandungi kata-kata yang menunjukKan kekalnya (ta’bid). Tidak sah wakaf kalau ucapan dengan batas waktu tertentu. Kedua, ucapan itu dapat direalisasikan segera (tanjiz), tanpa disangkutkan atau digantungkan kepada syarat tertentu. Ketiga, ucapan itu bersifat pasti. Keempat, ucapan itu tidak diikuti oleh syarat yang membatalkan. Apabila semua persyaratan diatas dapat terpenuhi maka penguasaan atas tanah wakaf bagi penerima wakaf adalah sah. Pewakaf tidak dapat lagi menarik balik pemilikan harta itu telah berpindah kepada Allah dan penguasaan harta tersebut adalah orang yang menerima wakaf secara umum ia dianggap pemiliknya tapi bersifat ghaira tammah.

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Akidah Ahlussunnah Wal Jamaah

Oleh; Muchib Aman Ali

Apa yang dimaksud dengan golongan Ahlussunnah wal jamaah ?

Syekh Abu al-Fadl Abdus Syakur As-Senori dalam karyanya “Al-Kawakib al-Laama’ah fi Tahqiqi al-Musamma bi Ahli as-Sunnah wa al-Jamaah” menyebutkan definisi Ahlussunnah wal jamaah sebagai kelompok atau golongan yang senantiasa komitmen mengikuti sunnah Nabi SAW dan thoriqoh para sahabatnya dalam hal akidah, amaliyah fisik (fiqh) dan akhlaq batin (tasawwuf).

Syekh Abdul Qodir Al-Jaelani dalam kitabnya, Al-Ghunyah li Thalibi Thariq al-Haq juz I hal 80 mendefinisikan Ahlussunnah wal jamaah sebagai berikut “Yang dimaksud dengan assunnah adalah apa yang telah diajarkan oleh Rasulullah SAW (meliputi ucapan, perilaku serta ketetapan Beliau). Sedangkan yang dimaksud dengan pengertian jamaah adalah segala sesuatu yang telah disepakati oleh para sahabat Nabi SAW pada masa empat Khulafa’ur-Rosyidin dan telah diberi hidayah Allah “.

Dalam sebuah hadits dinyatakan :
عن أبي هريرة رضي الله عنه أن رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم قال : افترقت اليهود على إحدى وسبعين فرقة ، وتفرقت النصارى الى إثنين وسبعين فرقة ، وتفرقت أمتي على ثلاث وسبعين فرقة ، كلها في النار الاّ واحدة ، قالوا : ومن هم يا رسول الله ؟ قال : هم الذي على الذي أنا عليه وأصحابي . رواه أبو داود والترميذي وابن ماجه

“Dari Abi Hurairah r.a., Sesungguhnya Rasulullah SAW bersabda : Umat Yahudi terpecah menjadi 71 golongan. Dan umat Nasrani terpecah menjadi 72 golongan. Dan umatku akan terpecah menjadi 73 golongan. Semua masuk neraka kecuali satu. Berkata para sahabat : “Siapakah mereka wahai Rasulullah?’’ Rasulullah SAW menjawab : “Mereka adalah yang mengikuti aku dan para sahabatku.”. HR. Abu Dawud, Turmudzi, dan Ibnu Majah.

Jadi inti paham Ahlussunnah wal jama’ah (Aswaja) seperti tertera dalam teks hadits adalah paham keagamaan yang sesuai dengan sunnah Nabi SAW dan petunjuk para sahabatnya. Dalam hadits lain:
عن عبد الرحمن بن عمرو السلمي أنه سمع العرباض بن سارية قال وعظنا رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم: فعليكم بما عرفتم من سنتي وسنة الخلفاء الراشدين المهديين. رواه احمد

“Dari ‘Abdurrahman bin ‘Amr as-Sulami, sesungguhnya ia mendengar al- Irbadl bin Sariyah berkata: Rasulullah SAW menasehati kami: kalian wajib berpegang teguh pada sunnahku dan perilaku al-khulafa’ar-Rosyidin yang mendapat petunjuk.’’ HR.Ahmad.

Sejak kapan istilah golongan Ahlussunnah wal jamaah (Aswaja) muncul ?

Paling mudah melacak periode awal kelahiran terminologi (istilah) Aswaja dimulai dengan lahirnya madzhab (tauhid) al-Asy’ari dan abu Manshur al-maturidi. Tetapi kelahiran madzhab Aswaja di bidang kalam ini tidak dapat dipisahkan dengan mata rantai sebelumnya, dimulai dari periode ‘Ali bin Abi Thalib KW. Sebab dalam sejarah, tercatat para imam Aswaja di bidang akidah telah ada sejak zaman sahabat Nabi SAW, sebelum munculnya paham Mu’tazilah. Imam Aswaja pada saat itu diantaranya adalah Ali bin Abi Thalib KW, karena jasanya menentang penyimpangan khawarij tentang al-Wa’du wa al-Wa’id dan penyimpangan qodariyah tentang kehendak Allah SWT dan kemampuan makhluk. Di masa tabi’in juga tercatat ada beberapa imam Aswaja seperti ‘Umar bin Abdul Aziz dengan karyanya “Risalah Balighah fi Raddi ‘ala al-Qodariyah”. Para mujtahid fiqh juga turut menyumbang beberapa karya teologi (tauhid) untuk menentang paham-paham di luar Aswaja, seperti Abu Hanifah dengan kitabnya “Al-Fiqhu al-Akbar” dan Imam Syafi’i dengan kitabnya “Fi tashihi an-Nubuwwah wa Raddi ‘ala al-Barohimah” .

Imam dalam teologi Aswaja sesudah itu kemudian diwakili oleh Abu Hasan Al-Asy’ari, lantaran keberhasilannya menjatuhkan paham Mu’tazilah. Dengan demikian dapat dipahami bahwa akidah Aswaja secara subtantif telah ada sejak masa para sahabat Nabi SAW. Artinya paham Aswaja tidak mutlak seperti yang dirumuskan oleh Imam Asy’ari dan Maturidi, tetapi beliau adalah dua diantara imam-imam yang telah berhasil menyusun dan merumuskan ulang doktrin paham akidah Aswaja secara sistematis sehingga menjadi pedoman akidah Aswaja.

Dalam perkembangan sejarah selanjutnya, istilah Aswaja secara resmi menjadi bagian dari disiplin ilmu keislaman. Dalam hal akidah pengertiannya adalah Asy’ariyah atau Maturidiyah. Imam Ibnu Hajar Al-Haytami berkata “Jika Ahlussunnah wal jamaah disebutkan, maka yang dimaksud adalah pengikut rumusan yang digagas oleh Imam Abu al-Hasan Al-Asy’ari dan Imam Abu Manshur al-Maturidi “ [1]. Dalam fiqh adalah madzhab empat, Hanafi, Maliki, Syafi’i dan Hambali. Dalam tasawwuf adalah Imam Al-Ghozali, Abu Yazid al-Busthomi, Imam al-Junaydi dan ulama’-ulama’ lain yang sepaham. Semuanya menjadi diskursus islam paham Ahlussunnah wal jamaah.

Apa latar belakang sejarah yang menyebabkan lahirnya akidah Asy’ariyah dan Maturidiyah ?

Secara faktual, tidak dapat dipungkiri bahwa awal mula terjadinya perpecahan masyarakat Islam dimulai dari Khalifah ‘Utsman bin Affan RA dan hampir melembaga pada periode Ali bin Abi Thalib KW. Perpecahan tersebut berlanjut pada persoalan akidah. Perbedaan tersebut berlangsung terus menerus secara pasang surut, terkadang volumenya kecil, terkadang juga membesar. Pada masa Abbasiyah berkuasa, sebelum periode al-Mutawakkil, terjadi keresahan yang luar biasa (mihnah) di kalangan umat Islam, akibat pemaksaan paham akidah Mu’tazilah oleh penguasa. Dalam situasi kacau dan resah itulah muncul Imam Abu Hasan al-Asy’ari menawarkan rumusan teologi sesuai dengan nash Qur’an dan hadits yang telah tersusun rapi. Kemudian oleh para ulama’ disepakati sebagai paham teologi Aswaja. Makin lama pengikut paham ini makin besar. Sementara di daerah lain, yakni Samarqand Uzbekistan dan di Mesir, Imam Abu Manshur al-Maturidi dan at-Thahawi, juga berhasil menyusun rumusan teologi yang pararel dengan rumusan Imam al-Asy’ari, semuanya mempunyai orientasi yang sama, yaitu menjawab persoalan-persoalan Islam yang sangat meresahkan pada waktu itu.

[1] Tathhiru al-Jinan wa al-Lisan hal 7

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10 Kunci Menyambut Kedatangan Bulan Suci Ramadhan

1. Berdoalah agar Allah swt. memberikan kesempatan kepada kita untuk bertemu dengan bulan Ramadan dalam keadaan sehat wal afiat. Dengan keadaan sehat, kita bisa melaksanakan ibadah secara maksimal di bulan itu, baik puasa, shalat, tilawah, dan dzikir. Dari Anas bin Malik r.a. berkata, bahwa Rasulullah saw. apabila masuk bulan Rajab selalu berdoa, ”Allahuma bariklana fii rajab wa sya’ban, wa balighna ramadan.” Artinya, ya Allah, berkahilah kami pada bulan Rajab dan Sya’ban; dan sampaikan kami ke bulan Ramadan. (HR. Ahmad dan Tabrani)

Para salafush-shalih selalu memohon kepada Allah agar diberikan karunia bulan Ramadan; dan berdoa agar Allah menerima amal mereka. Bila telah masuk awal Ramadhan, mereka berdoa kepada Allah, ”Allahu akbar, allahuma ahillahu alaina bil amni wal iman was salamah wal islam wat taufik lima tuhibbuhu wa tardha.” Artinya, ya Allah, karuniakan kepada kami pada bulan ini keamanan, keimanan, keselamatan, dan keislaman; dan berikan kepada kami taufik agar mampu melakukan amalan yang engkau cintai dan ridhai.

2. Bersyukurlah dan puji Allah atas karunia Ramadan yang kembali diberikan kepada kita. Al-Imam Nawawi dalam kitab Adzkar-nya berkata, ”Dianjurkan bagi setiap orang yang mendapatkan kebaikan dan diangkat dari dirinya keburukan untuk bersujud kepada Allah sebagai tanda syukur; dan memuji Allah dengan pujian yang sesuai dengan keagungannya.” Dan di antara nikmat terbesar yang diberikan Allah kepada seorang hamba adalah ketika dia diberikan kemampuan untuk melakukan ibadah dan ketaatan. Maka, ketika Ramadan telah tiba dan kita dalam kondisi sehat wal afiat, kita harus bersyukur dengan memuji Allah sebagai bentuk syukur.

3. Bergembiralah dengan kedatangan bulan Ramadan. Rasulullah saw. selalu memberikan kabar gembira kepada para shahabat setiap kali datang bulan Ramadan, “Telah datang kepada kalian bulan Ramadan, bulan yang penuh berkah. Allah telah mewajibkan kepada kalian untuk berpuasa. Pada bulan itu Allah membuka pintu-pintu surga dan menutup pintu-pintu neraka.” (HR. Ahmad).

Salafush-shalih sangat memperhatikan bulan Ramadan. Mereka sangat gembira dengan kedatangannya. Tidak ada kegembiraan yang paling besar selain kedatangan bulan Ramadan karena bulan itu bulan penuh kebaikan dan turunnya rahmat.

4. Rancanglah agenda kegiatan untuk mendapatkan manfaat sebesar mungkin dari bulan Ramadan. Ramadhan sangat singkat. Karena itu, isi setiap detiknya dengan amalan yang berharga, yang bisa membersihkan diri, dan mendekatkan diri kepada Allah.

5. Bertekadlah mengisi waktu-waktu Ramadan dengan ketaatan. Barangsiapa jujur kepada Allah, maka Allah akan membantunya dalam melaksanakan agenda-agendanya dan memudahnya melaksanakan aktifitas-aktifitas kebaikan. “Tetapi jikalau mereka benar terhadap Allah, niscaya yang demikian itu lebih baik bagi mereka.” [Q.S. Muhamad (47): 21]

6. Pelajarilah hukum-hukum semua amalan ibadah di bulan Ramadan. Wajib bagi setiap mukmin beribadah dengan dilandasi ilmu. Kita wajib mengetahui ilmu dan hukum berpuasa sebelum Ramadan datang agar puasa kita benar dan diterima oleh Allah. “Tanyakanlah kepada orang-orang yang berilmu, jika kamu tiada mengetahui,” begitu kata Allah di Al-Qur’an surah Al-Anbiyaa’ ayat 7.

7. Sambut Ramadan dengan tekad meninggalkan dosa dan kebiasaan buruk. Bertaubatlah secara benar dari segala dosa dan kesalahan. Ramadan adalah bulan taubat. “Dan bertaubatlah kamu sekalian kepada Allah, hai orang-orang yang beriman, supaya kamu beruntung.” [Q.S. An-Nur (24): 31]

8. Siapkan jiwa dan ruhiyah kita dengan bacaan yang mendukung proses tadzkiyatun-nafs. Hadiri majelis ilmu yang membahas tentang keutamaan, hukum, dan hikmah puasa. Sehingga secara mental kita siap untuk melaksanakan ketaatan pada bulan Ramadan.

9. Siapkan diri untuk berdakwah di bulan Ramadhan dengan:

· Buat catatan kecil untuk kultum tarawih serta ba’da sholat subuh dan zhuhur.
· Membagikan buku saku atau selebaran yang berisi nasihat dan keutamaan puasa.

10. Sambutlah Ramadan dengan membuka lembaran baru yang bersih. Kepada Allah, dengan taubatan nashuha. Kepada Rasulullah saw., dengan melanjutkan risalah dakwahnya dan menjalankan sunnah-sunnahnya. Kepada orang tua, istri-anak, dan karib kerabat, dengan mempererat hubungan silaturrahmi. Kepada masyarakat, dengan menjadi orang yang paling bermanfaat bagi mereka. Sebab, manusia yang paling baik adalah yang paling bermanfaat bagi orang lain.

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Asy-Syaikh As-Sayyid KH.Shohibul Faroji Azmatkhan Ba’alawi Al-Husaini

Sunan Ampel pada masa kecilnya bernama Sayyid Muhammad ‘Ali Rahmatullah, setelah pindah ke Jawa Timur dipanggil oleh masyarakat dengan panggilan Sunan Ampel atau Raden Rahmat. lahir pada tahun 1401 Masehi di “Champa”


Ada dua pendapat mengenai lokasi Champa ini. Encyclopedia Van Nederlandesh Indie mengatakan bahwa Champa adalah satu negeri kecil yang terletak di “Kamboja”. Pendapat lain, “Raffles” menyatakan bahwa Champa terletak di “Aceh” yang kini bernama “Jeumpa”.

Nama Ampel sendiri, diidentikkan dengan nama tempat dimana ia lama bermukim. Di daerah Ampel atau Ampel Denta, wilayah yang kini menjadi bagian dari Surabaya ( kota Wonokromo sekarang).


Sunan Ampel bin Ibrahim Zainuddin Al-Akbar bin Jamaluddin Al-Husain bin Ahmad Jalaluddin bin Abdillah bin Abdul Malik Azmatkhan bin Alwi Ammil Faqih bin Muhammad Shahib Mirbath bin Ali Khali’ Qasam bin Alwi bin Muhammad bin Alwi bin Ubaidillah bin Ahmad Al-Muhajir bin Isa bin Muhammad An-Naqiib bin Ali Al-Uraidhi bin Ja’far Shadiq bin Muhammad Al-Baqir bin Ali Zainal Abidin bin Al-Husain bin Sayyidah Fathimah Az-Zahra binti Nabi Muhammad Rasulullah


Sunan Ampel menikah dengan:
I. Isteri Pertama, yaitu: Dewi Condrowati alias Nyai Ageng Manila binti Aryo Tejo Al-Abbasyi, berputera:
1. Maulana Mahdum Ibrahim/Raden Mahdum Ibrahim/ Sunan Bonang
2. Syarifuddin/Raden Qasim/ Sunan Derajat
3. Siti Syari’ah/ Nyai Ageng Maloka/ Nyai Ageng Manyuran
4. Siti Muthmainnah
5. Siti Hafsah

II. Isteri Kedua adalah Dewi Karimah binti Ki Kembang Kuning, berputera:
1. Dewi Murtasiyah/ Istri Sunan Giri
2. Dewi Murtasimah/ Asyiqah/ Istri Raden Fattah
3. Raden Husamuddin (Sunan Lamongan)
4. Raden Zainal Abidin (Sunan Demak)
5. Pangeran Tumapel
6. Raden Faqih (Sunan Ampel 2)


Ulama adalah pewaris para nabi. Sebuah pengakuan sekaligus penegasan resmi Rasulullah saw. tentang penerus perjuangan Islam untuk memimpin umat dan membimbing mereka kepada jalan agama Allah swt serta mengarahkan mereka menuju kebaikan.

Raden Rahmatullah atau yang lebih dikenal dengan sebutan Sunan Ampel adalah satu dari sekian banyak waratsatul anbiya’ yang dipercaya oleh Allah swt. untuk meneruskan estafet perjuangan Rasulullah Saw. Beliau adalah sosok ulama teladan sekaligus waliyyun min auliyaillah’.

Tipe pemimpin ideal ada di sini: muballigh ulung, cendekiawan sejati, dan penuh perhitungan dalam setiap langkah menapaki terjalnya jalan dakwah dan menghadapi tantangan masyarakat yang sebelumnya telah mempunyai keyakinan yang membumi akan faham budhisme, hinduisme dan kepercayaan “isme-isme” yang lain, jauh sebelum sunan Ampel datang menebarkan ajaran rahmatan lil alamin.

Sebuah langkah tepat beliau lakukan sebagai strategi awal dalam metodologi dakwahnya, yaitu pembauran dengan masyarakat akar rumput yang merupakan titik sentral dari sasaran dakwahnya. Saat itulah kecendekiaan dan intlektualitasnya benar-benar teruji. Tidak mudah tentunya. Di tempat yang sangat asing, jumud dan kolot, seorang pendatang dari negeri Campa berusaha untuk beradaptasi dengan kultur-sosial yang tidak pernah dikenal sebelumnya.

Dengan diplomasinya yang gemilang, Kanjeng Sunan Ampel berhasil mensejajarkan kaum Muslimin kala itu dengan kalangan “elite” dalam kasta-kasta mesyarakat dan pemerintahan Majapahit. Pemerintahan Majapahit pun sangat menghormati dan menghargai hak-hak dan kewajiban orang Islam, bahkan tidak sedikit dari punggawa kerajaan yang akhirnya memeluk agama Islam sebagai way of life-nya.

Kalau metodologi dakwah Sunan Ampel dengan masyarakat akar rumput dilakukan dengan cara pembauran dan pendekatan, beda halnya dengan metode yang ditempuh ketika menghadapi orang-orang cerdik-cendikia. Pendekatan intelektual dengan memberikan pemahaman logis adalah alternatif yang beliau tempuh. Hal ini sebagaimana tercermin dalam dialognya dengan seorang biksu Budha.

Suatu ketika, seorang biksu datang menemui Sunan Ampel. Kemudian terjadilah percakapan seputar akidah berikut:

Biksu: Setiap hari Tuan sembahyang menghadap ke arah kiblat. Apakah Tuhan Tuan ada di sana?”

Sunan Ampel: Setiap hari Anda memasukkan makanan ke dalam perut agar Anda bisa bertahan hidup. Apakah hidup Anda ada di dalam perut?”

Biksu itu diam tidak menjawab. Tapi dia bertanya lagi, “Apa maksud tuan berkata begitu?”

“Saya sembahyang menghadap kiblat, tidak berarti Tuhan berada di sana. Saya tidak tahu Tuhan berada di mana. Sebab, kalau manusia dapat mengetahui keberadaan tuhannya, lantas apa bedanya manusia dengan Tuhan? Kalau demikian buat apa saya sembahyang?!”

Cerita berakhir. Dan si biksu kemudian masuk Islam karena ia gamang akan otentisitas ajaran agamanya. Satu ending yang sangat memuaskan. Tidak hanya bagi si pelaku cerita, tapi juga untuk kita: sebuah pelajaran tentang metedologi dakwah di hadapan orang yang tidak bertuhankan Tuhan.

Sunan Ampel.: etos dakwah di tanah Jawa di samping icon Sunan Kalijaga, di sisi yang lain. Beliau adalah satu dari sekian banyak wali Allah yang menghabiskan hidupnya hanya untuk berdakwah di jalan-Nya. Metodologi dakwahnya memang tidak sama dengan metodologi ala Sunan Kalijaga atau Sunan Muria, yang menggunakan pendekatan seni-budaya Jawa sebagai media dakwahnya. Sunan Ampel lebih menggunakan pendekatan intelektual—dengan memberikan pemahaman tentang Islam melalui wacana intelektual dan diskusi yang cerdas dan kritis serta dapat dinalar oleh akal. Cerita di atas adalah bukti sejarahnya.

Dialog Sunan Ampel-biksu telah mengingatkan kita kepada jawaban Nabi Ibrahim as. dilontarkan kepada raja Namrudz ketika beliau dituduh menghancurkan tuhan-tuhan mereka, “Bahkan, Tuhan yang paling besar inilah yang melakukannya”. Bedanya, Namrudz tidak pernah mau menerima kebenaran itu meski dia mengetahuinya. Kemudian kita bertanya, mungkinkah orang sekelas biksu dapat ditaklukkan hanya dengan melalui pendekatan budaya? Bisa jadi, tapi mungkin sulit.

Urgensitas budaya sebagai media dakwah alternatif memang tak bisa dibantah. Sejarah juga membuktikan bahwa pendekatan kultur-budaya yang dimainkan oleh Sunan Kalijaga berhasil dengan sangat gemilang. Tapi, sejatinya, pendekatan kultur-budaya hanya relevan untuk komunitas masyarakat kelas menengah ke bawah. Sedang untuk obyek intelektual kelas atas mungkin sangat pas bila menggunakan jalur seperti yang ditempuh Sunan Ampel.

Dus, dengan dua metodologi yang dipakainya, beliau telah berhasil menciptakan harmoni antara ulama dan umara, antara akar rumput dan kalangan pemerintahan, walaupun masih berada dalam sekat tertentu, karena beliau–sebagai sosok da’i yang mempertaruhkan hidupnya untuk berdakwah dan mengayomi umat–tetap indipenden dan konsisten dengan posisinya sebagai ulama. Beliau tidak pernah dan memang tidak sudi menggunakan alat kekuasaan sebagai kendaraan dakwahnya.

Maka tidak berlebihan jika beliau mendapat prototype sebagai wali sejati, wali dalam pengertian “kekasih Allah” di dunia, bukan wali dengan arti penguasa setempat sebagaimana mispersepsi sebagian pemerhati sejarah (yang mungkin juga tidak mengakui adanya wali Allah yang lain). Karena kalau kita merunut sejarah, maka akan menghasilkan sebuah hipotesa sebagaimana di atas. Terbukti, beliau, sekali lagi, tidak mau menggunakan kendaraan kekuasaan sebagai piranti memuluskan dakwahnya.

Ala kulli hal, metode dakwah Sunan Ampel melengkapi strategi dakwah walisongo secara umum, untuk menjadi satu kesatuan yang nyaris sempurna guna memuluskan misi mulia yang mereka emban: menyebarkan risalah Islam di tanah jawa. Dan, karena jasa-jasa mulianya inilah, ribuan atau bahkan jutaan doa senantiasa mengalir, setiap saat, di setiap denyut doa umat Islam, hingga dunia enggan meneruskan sejarahnya.


Sunan Ampel Wafat di Surabaya, tahun 1425 M. Makamnya terletak di daerah Ampel Denta, Kota Surabaya, Jawa Timur, Indonesia.


1. Al-Habib Bahruddin Azmatkhan, Biografi Sunan Ampel, 1979
2. Mohammad Dahlan, Haul Sunan Ampel Ke-555, Surabaya, 1989
3. Johannes Jacobus Ras, Hikayat Banjar terjemahan dalam Bahasa Malaysia oleh Siti Hawa Salleh, Percetakan Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Lot 1037, Mukim Perindustrian PKNS – Ampang/Hulu Kelang – Selangor Darul Ehsan, Malaysia 1990.

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